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Menasseh ben Israel's mission to Oliver 

3 1924 028 590 028 





nar-iass.- h \rfin Joseph behT£.vc\e:\ . 




Being a reprint of the Pamphlets published by 

^MENiASSEH mEN ISR^AEL to promote the 

^E^-admission of the yews to Sngland 


Edited with an Introduction and 3^tes 
'By LuciEN Wolf 

Past- President and Vice-President of the Jeivish Historical Society of England 
Co-Editor of the " Bibliotheca Anglo-Judaica" isfc. ^c. 

Published for the 

Jewish Historical Society of Sngland 


1 90 1 




HE Jewish Historical Society of England, 
soon after its establishment, resolved on 
the publication of the present volume 
as a memorial of Menasseh ben Israel, 
whose name must always hold the chief 
place on the first page of the history of 
the present Anglo-Jewish community. 
The Society did me the honour of entrusting me with 
the preparation of the work. 

Menasseh's tracts have been printed in facsimile. They 
have not been reproduced by any photographic process, 
but have been entirely reset in types similar to those em- 
ployed in the original. Thanks to the resources of the 
printing establishment of Messrs. Ballantyne, Hanson £5? 
Co. of Edinburgh, and the taste and care they have de- 
voted to the work, a much finer effect has been produced 
than would have been possible had photography been em- 
ployed, while exact fidelity to the originals has not been 

To me the preparation of this volume has been a labour 
of love. Nothing in the whole course of a very varied 
literary career, extending over nearly thirty years, has 
fascinated " me so much as the story of the Return of the 
Jews to England. Its mysteries belong to the highest 
regions of historical romance, and it forms a page of history 
which is a real acquisition both to the annals of the British 
Empire and to that wider and more thrilling panorama 
of human activities which depicts the fortunes of my 



own co-religionists. I have not^ however, spoken the last 
word on this subject in the present volume, which is chiefly 
concerned with the transaction with Oliver Cromwell in 
1655-56 and its proximate causes. I hope to tell the whole 
story in detail in another volume, which I have long had 
in preparation for the "Jewish Library." 

The preliminary essay on the Return of the Jews to 
England is in no sense a rdchauff^ of the papers on the 
same subject contributed by me to various periodicals 
during the last fifteen years. Those papers were written 
at successive stages of an uncompleted investigation. The 
present essay is a re-study in the light of all the facts, and 
it will be found that some of my former judgments have 
been modified, and a few even reversed. 

I have to thank many friends for their assistance. Mr. 
Israel Abrahams very kindly relieved me of the labour of 
reading the proofs of the tracts, and made many valuable 
suggestions which have added to the completeness and 
beauty of the volume. Mr. B. L. Abrahams was good 
enough to revise my introduction, and thus saved me from 
not a few slips of style and memory. The Rev. S. Levy 
has given me useful assistance in preparing the annota- 
tions, and Dr. S. R. Gardiner was good enough to place 
at my disposal his unrivalled knowledge of the politics 
of the Commonwealth in solving some of the difficulties 
in the negotiations of 1655. My acknowledgments are 
also due to Miss S. R. Hirsch for the excellent index she 
has compiled. Finally, Mme. de Novikoff kindly obtained 
for me from the Hermitage Collection at St. Petersburg 
an excellent photograph of the alleged portrait of Menasseh 
ben Israel by Rembrandt, which I have reproduced, together 
with two other better known and more authentic portraits. 

L. W. 

London, December 1900. 





INTRODUCTION ....... xi 


I. DAYS OF EXILE .... xi 


III. Cromwell's policy . . . xxviii 


V. Cromwell's action . . . Ivi 

VI. the real "vindici^" . . Jxix 

VII. documents ..... Ixxvii 


BEN Israel" (1652) ..... i 

'to his highnesse the lord protector of 
the common-wealth of england, scot- 
land, and ireland, the humble addresses 
of menasseh ben israel*' (1655) . . 73 
'vindiciye jud/eorum, or a letter in answer 
to certain questions propounded by a 
noble and learned gentleman, wherein 
all objections are candidly, and yet 
fully cleared, by rabbi menasseh ben 

ISRAEL" (1656) 105 

NOTES ........ 149 

INDEX ......... 171 

PORTRAITS . . Frontispiece and facing pages i and 105 

ix b 



I. Days of Exile 

HROUDED in the fogs of the North Sea, 
the British Isles were, for two centuries 
after the Great Expulsion by Edward I., 
little more than a bitter memory to the 
Jewish people. In other lands they came 
and went, but England was as securely closed 
against them as was the Egypt of Danaus to the Greeks. 
With the exception of a few adventurous pilgrims who 
trickled into the country to enjoy the hospitality of the 
Domus Conversorum, they ceased gradually to think of the 
land which had been so signal a scene of their mediaeval 
prosperity and sufferings. The Jewish chroniclers of this 
period, while dealing with the politics of other European 
countries, have scarcely a word to say of England. 

Towards the beginning of the sixteenth century the fogs 
began to lift, and England once again appeared as a possible 
haven to the "tribe of the wandering foot and weary 
breast." The gigantic expulsions from Spain by Ferdinand 
and Isabella had created a new Jewish Diaspora under con- 
ditions of the most thrilling romance. The Jewish martyrs 
" trekked " in their thousands to all the points of the com- 
pass, fringing the coasts of the Mediterranean with a new 
industrious population, founding colonies all over the 



Levant as far as the Mesopotamian cradle of their race, 
penetrating even to Hindostan in the East, and throwing 
outposts on the track of Columbus towards the fabled west. 
But this was only the beginning of a more remarkable dis- 
persion. The men and women who took up the pilgrim's 
staff at the bidding of Torquemada could only go where 
Jews were tolerated, for they refused to bear false witness 
to their ancient religion. They left behind them in Spain 
and Portugal a less scrupulous contingent of their race — 
wealthy Jews who were disinclined to make sacrifices for 
the faith of their fathers, and who accepted the condi- 
tions of the Inquisition rather than abandon their rich 
plantations in Andalusia and their palaces in Saragossa, 
Toledo, and Seville. They embraced Christianity, but their 
conversion was only simulated, and for two centuries they 
preserved in secret their allegiance to Judaism. These 
Crypto- Jews, in their turn, gradually spread all over Europe, 
penetrating in their disguise into countries and towns and 
even guilds which the Church had jealously guarded against 
all heretical intrusion. It was chiefly through them that 
the modern Anglo-Jewish community was founded.^ 

The Iberian Crypto-Jews, or Marranos,^ as they were 
called, represented one of the strangest and most romantic 
movements in the religious history of Europe. Marranism 
was an attempt by the Jews to outwit the Jesuits with their 
own weapons. Both sides acted on the principle that the 
end justified the means, and each employed the most un- 
scrupulous guile to defend itself against the other. The 
Inquisition was ruthless in its methods to stamp out Judaism, 

' Wolf, "Crypto-Jews under the Commonwealth" {Trans. Jew. Hist. 
Soc.,^io\. i. pp. 55 et seq); "The Middle Age of Anglo-Jewish History" 
{Papers read at the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibition, pp. 53-79). 

" The origin of this name is obscure. There seems to be little doubt 
that it was originally a nickname, seeing that the classical name for the 
converts was Nuevos Cristianos, or " New Christians." Graetz beheves that 
Marrano is derived from Maran-atha, in allusion to I Cor. xvi. 22, " If any 
man love not the Lord, let him be Anathema Maran-atha" {Geschichte der 
Juden, vol. viii. p. 73). 



the Marranos were equally unprincipled in preserving their 
allegiance to their proscribed religion. Abandoning their 
ceremonial, abandoning even the racial limitation on mar- 
riage, the Jewish tradition was maintained by secret con- 
venticles chiefly composed of males, and thus Jewish blood 
and the Jewish heresy became distributed all over the 
peninsula, and crept into the highest ranks of the nation. 
The Court, the Church, the army, even the dread tribunals 
of the Holy Office itself were not free from the taint.^ A 
secretary to the Spanish king, a vice-chancellor of Aragon, 
nearly related to the Royal House, a Lord High Treasurer, 
a Court Chamberlain, and an Archdeacon of Coimbra figure 
in the lists of discovered Marranos preserved by the In- 
quisition.^ At Rome the Crypto-Jews commissioned a 
secret agent supplied with ample funds, who bribed the 
Cardinals, intrigued against the Holy Office, and frequently 
obtained the ear of the Pontiff.^ Some idea of the social 
ramifications of the Marranos is affi^rded by the careers of 
the early members of the Amsterdam Jewish community. 
Many of them were men of high distinction who had 
escaped from Spain and Portugal in order to throw off 
the burden of their imposture. Such were the ex-monk 
Vicente de Rocamora, who had been confessor to the Em- 
press of Germany when she was the Infanta Maria ; the 
ex-Jesuit father, Tomas de Pinedo, one of the leading 
philologists of his day ; Enriquez de Paz, a captain in the 
army, a Knight of San Miguel, and a famous dramatist ; 
Colonel Nicolas de Oliver y Fullana, poet, strategist, and 
royal cartographer ; Don Francesco de Silva, Marquis of 
Montfort, who had fought against Marshal de Crequi under 
the Emperor Leopold; and Balthasar Orobio de Castro, 
physician to the Spanish Court, professor at the University 

1 Kayserling, Juden in Portugal, p. 327. 

2 Graetz, vol. viii. pp. 309-11 ; 'E.\vce.xi'CasA, Jiidisches Familien Buck, 
p. 326. 

3 Kayserling, p. 139- 



of Salamanca, and a Privy Councillor.^ It was by Jews 
of this class that the congregations of Amsterdam, Ham- 
burg, and Antwerp were founded, and it was largely through 
them that those towns in the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- 
turies were enabled to wrest from Spain her primacy in the 
colonial trade. 

At a very early epoch Marranos reached England. We 
hear of them, almost immediataly after the expulsion from 
Spain, figuring in a lawsuit in London.^ In 1550a Mar- 
rano physician was discovered living in London. Another, 
Roderigo Lopes, was court physician to Queen Elizabeth, 
and the original of Shakespeare's Shylock.^ When the Earl 
of Essex, after the sacking of Cadiz in 1596, brought the 
Spanish Resident, Alonzo de Herrera, a prisoner to England, 
he turned out to be a Marrano. After his liberation, this 
descendant of the great Captain Gonsalvo de Cordova pro- 
ceeded to Amsterdam, entered the synagogue, and spent 
his old age in the compilation of cabalistical treatises.* 
Amador de los Rios states that the Marranos founded secret 
settlements in London, Dover, and York;° and it has been 
shown that they possessed a secret synagogue in London 
early in the seventeenth century, if not before.^ As in 
Amsterdam and Antwerp, they were largely concerned in 
the development of the Spanish trade, in the importation of 
bullion, and in the promotion of commercial relations with 
the Levant and the New World. 

While the people of England were unconscious of this 
immigration, it could not have been altogether unknown in 
the continental Jewries. That no trace of this knowledge 

' Graetz, vol. x. pp. 195, 196, 200; Da Costa, Israel and the Gentiles, 
p. 408 ; Kayserling, p. 302. 

^ Graetz, vol. viii. pp. 342-43 ; Colonial State Papers (Spanish), vol. i. 
pp. 51, 164. 

^ Wolf, Middle Age, pp. 64, 67-70 ; S. L. Lee in Gentleman's Magazine, 
Feb. 1880. 

* Wolf, Middle Age, p. 68 ; Graetz, vol. ix. p. 494. 

' Historia de losjudios de Espaha, vol. iii. p. 357. 

' Wolf, Crypto-Jews, loc. cit. 



is to be found in printed Hebrew literature is not strange, 
since the keeping of the secret was a common Jewish interest. 
It no doubt helped to stimulate Jewish hopes of a return to 
England, which more public circumstances had already 
founded. The Reformation in England first turned Jewish 
eyes towards the land from which they had been so long 
excluded. They were especially interested by Henry 
VIII. 's appeal to Jewish scholars during his conflict with 
the Papacy in regard to his divorce from Catherine of 
Aragon.^ Still more deeply must their feelings have 
been stirred by Elizabeth's struggle with Spain. AH over 
Europe, indeed, Jewish sympathies were with Elizabeth. 
The secret negotiations carried on by Roderigo Lopes, 
through his influential Marrano relatives, with the Grand 
Turk and with the Hebrew bankers of Antwerp and Leg- 
horn, have yet to be made public ; but it is certain that 
they played an important part in the story which culmi- 
nated in the confusion of the Great Armada. But it was the 
increasing Hebraism of English religious thought, as re- 
presented by the Puritan movement, which chiefly attracted 
the Jews. This movement sent not a few Englishmen and 
Englishwomen to the continental ghettos to seek instruc- 
tion at the feet of Hebrew Rabbis, and even to obtain 
entrance to the synagogue as proselytes.^ When the Com- 
monwealth, with its pronounced Judaical tendencies, emerged 
from this movement, the Jews could not fail to be im- 
pressed. The more mystical among them began to dream 
of the Golden Age. Indeed the doctrines of the Fifth 
Monarchy Men, carried to Smyrna by Puritan merchants, 
paved the way for the rise of the pseudo-Messiah, Sab- 
bethai Zevi.* The more practical saw that the time had 
arrived when it might be reasonably hoped to obtain the 
revocation of Edward I.'s edict of banishment. 

1 Wolf, Middle Age, pp. 61-63. 

- De Castro, AusT.vahl von Grabsteinen, Part I. p. 28. 
^ Rycaut, Histcr^' of the Turkish Empire (16S7), vol. ii. pp. 174, ft seq. 



Towards the end of 1655, the question of the readmis- 
sion of the Jews to England was brought to a climax by 
Menasseh ben Israel's famous mission to Oliver Cromwell. 
The story of this mission has been briefly narrated by 
Menasseh himself in the Vindicia Judaorum, one of the 
tracts printed in the present volume.^ As my object in 
this preliminary essay is to set forth the story more fully, 
and to endeavour to elucidate its obscurities, I cannot do 
better than take as my text this authoritative, though some- 
what vague, statement by the chief actor in the events with 
which I am dealing. Here is what Menasseh wrote under 
date of April 10, 1656 : — 

"The communication and correspondence I have held for 
some years since, with some eminent persons of England, was 
the first originall of my undertaking this design. For I alwayes 
found by them, a great probability of obtaining what I now 
request, whilst they affirmed that at this time the minds of men 
stood very well affected towards us, and that our entrance into 
this Island would be very acceptable and Well pleasing unto them. 
And from this beginning sprang up in me a semblable affec- 
tion, and desire of obtaining this purpose. For, for seven yeares 
on this behalf, I have endeavoured and sollicited it, by letters 
and other means, without any intervall. For I conceived that our 
universall dispersion was a necessary circumstance, to be fulfilled 
before all that shall be accomplished which the Lord hath pro- 
mised to the people of the Jewes, concerning their restauration, 
and their returning again into their own land, according to those 
words, Dan. 12, 7 : When we shall have accomplished to scatter 
the power of the holy people, all these things shall be finished. As 
also, that this our scattering, by little, and little, should be amongst 
all people, from the one end of the earth even unto the other, as it 
is written Deut. 28, 64 : I conceived that by the end of the earth 
might be understood this Island. And I knew not, but that the 
Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have design'd 
and made choice of me for the bringing about this work. With 
these proposals therefore, I applyed my self, in all zealous affection 
to the English Nation, congratulating their glorious liberty which 
at this day they enjoy ; together with their prosperous peace. 

1 hrfra, pp. i43-'45- 


And I entituled my book named The Hope of Israel, to the first 
Parliament, and the Council of State. And withall declared my 
intentions. In order to which they sent me a very favorable 
passe-port. Afterwards I directed my self to the second, and 
they also sent me another. But at that juncture of time my 
coming was not presently performed, for that my kindred and 
friends, considering the checquered, and interwoven vicissitudes, 
and turns of things here below, embracing me, with pressing im- 
portunity, earnestly requested me not to part from them, and 
would not give over, till their love constrained me to promise, 
that I would yet awhile stay with them. But notwithstanding all 
this, I could not be at quiet in my mind (I know not but that it 
might be through some particular divine providence) till I had 
anew made my humble addresses to his Highnesse the Lord Pro- 
tector (whom God preserve), and finding that my coming over 
would not be altogether unwelcome to him, with those great hopes 
which I conceived, I joyfully took my leave of my house, my friends, 
my kindred, all my advantages there, and the country wherein I 
have lived all my lifetime, under the benign protection, and favour 
of the Lords, the States Generall, and Magistrates of Amsterdam ; 
in fine (I say) I parted with them all, and took my voyage for 
England. Where, after my arrivall, being very courteously re- 
ceived, and treated with much respect, I presented to his most 
Serene Highnesse a petition, and some desires, which for the 
most part, were written to me by my brethren the Jewes, from 
severall parts of Europe, as your worship may better understand 
by former relations. Whereupon it pleased His Highnesse to 
convene an Assembly at Whitehall, of Divines, Lawyers, and 
Merchants, of different persuasions, and opinions. Whereby 
men's judgements, and sentences were different. Insomuch, that 
as yet, we have had no finall determination from his most Serene 
Highnesse. Wherefore those few Jewes that were here, despair- 
ing of our expected successe, departed hence. And others who 
desired to come hither, have quitted their hopes, and betaken 
themselves some to Italy, some to Geneva, where that Common- 
wealth hath at this time, most freely granted them many, and 
great privileges." 



II. The Hope of Israel 

The first point in Menasseh's story which needs eluci- 
dation is his statement that he was originally induced to 
move in the question of the resettlement of the Jews by 
the assurances of " some eminent persons of England," 
that " the minds of men stood very well affected towards 
us." How had this philo-Semitic sentiment arisen, and 
who were the men who had communicated it to the Am- 
sterdam Rabbi? 

The evolution of English thought which rendered 
Menasseh ben Israel's enterprise possible is of consider- 
able complexity, but its main features are easily distin- 
guishable. The idea of Religious Liberty in England was 
due, in its broader aspects, to the struggle between the 
Baptists and the Calvinists. The Reformation established 
only a restricted form of Religious Liberty, and it was not 
until the Baptists found themselves persecuted as the Re- 
formers had been before them, that the cry arose for a 
liberty of conscience which would embrace all religions. In 
the Separatist Churches, founded by English refugees in 
Amsterdam and Geneva, the idea grew and strengthened. 
The earliest noteworthy tract on the subject — Leonard 
Busher's " Religious Peace, or a Plea for Liberty of Con- 
science," published in 1614 — was written under the influ- 
ence of these exiles, and it is noteworthy that already in 
that work, the extension of religious liberty to Jews was 
specifically demanded.^ Amsterdam was at that time the 
seat of a flourishing Jewish community, some of whose 
members came into contact with the philo-Jewish refugees. 
In this way they probably learnt to understand the political 
significance of the successive rise of the Puritans and Inde- 
pendents, for at the very beginning of the Civil War the 
Royalist spies in Holland noted that the Jews sympathised 

' Tracts on Liberty of Conscience, 1614-1661 (Hanserd Knollys Sdc), 
pp. 28, 30-31, 47, 71. 



with the Republicans, and even alleged that they had offered 
them " considerable sums of money to carry on their de- 
signs." ^ 

The progress of Religious Liberty in the seventeenth 
century reached its highest point, when in 1 645 the Inde- 
pendents captured the Army under the scheme known 
as the "New Model." Meanwhile Roger Williams, the 
famous Baptist, who had already founded in America a 
community based on unrestricted Jiberty of conscience, had 
published his " Bloudy Tenent of Persecution," in which 
he generously pleaded for the Jews.^ In 1646 a reprint of 
Leonard Busher's pamphlet was published in London, much 
to the joy of the Separatists in Amsterdam,^ and a year 
later Hugh Peters, one of Cromwell's Army Chaplains, 
wrote his " Word for the Army and Two Words for the 
Kingdom," in which he proposed that " strangers, even 
Jews [be] admitted to trade and live with us." * The 
question of the readmission of the Jews was, however, still 
far from taking practical shape. Although frequently re- 
ferred to, it had only been raised incidentally as an illustra- 
tion of the advanced tendencies of the advocates of Religious 

In December 1648, the Independents contrived the 
famous " Pride's Purge," which put an end to the Presby- 
terian domination of Parliament. The hopes of the advo- 
cates of Religious Liberty ran high, and the Jewish question 
at once came to the front. The Council of Mechanics, 
meeting at Whitehall, marked their sense of the meaning 
of the coup d'dtat by immediately voting " a toleration of 
all religions whatsoever, not excepting Turkes, nor Papists, 

> Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. VII., MSS. of Sir F. Graham, pp. 401-403.- 
2 See reprint by Hanserd Knollys Soc, p. 141. For Roger Williams's 
sei-vices to the cause of Jewish Toleration, see Wolf, " American Elements 
in the Resettlement" {Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc.,\o\. iii. pp. 77-78), and Straus, 
" Roger Williams, the Pioneer of Religious Liberty," pp. 172-178. 
i 3 Edwards, Gangrana, Part III. p. 103. 

* Art. 10. See also his "Good Work for a Good Magistrate " (1651), pp.. 

53t 90. 



nor Jewes." ^ To this the Council of Army Officers re- 
sponded with a resolution, the text of which has, unfortu- 
nately, not been preserved, in which they favoured the 
widest scheme of Religious Liberty. It was, indeed, 
rumoured at the time that the Jews were specifically men- 
tioned in the resolution.^ However that may be, it is 
certain that in the following month two Baptists of Am- 
sterdam, Johanna Cartwright and her son Ebenezer, were 
encouraged to present a petition to Lord Fairfax and the 
General Council of Officers, in which they asked that "the 
statute of banishment " against the Jews might be repealed. 
The petition, we are told, was " favourably received, with 
a promise to take it into speedy consideration when the 
present more public affairs are dispatched.^ 

Unfortunately, the " more public affairs " obstructed the 
triumph of Religious Liberty, and with it the Jewish cause, 
for a good many years. In the same month that Mrs. Cart- 
wright's petition was considered, Charles I. was beheaded, 
and the chiefs of the Revolution, with a great work of 
reconstruction before them, felt that they must proceed 
cautiously. Toleration of the Jews meant unrestricted 
liberty of conscience, and this was held by the extreme In- 
dependents to imply not only the abolition of an Established 
Church, but a licence to the multitude of sects — many of 
them of the maddest and most blasphemous tendencies — 
which had been hatched by Laudian persecution and the 
reaction of the Civil War. Cromwell and his advisers were 
resolved to pursue a more conservative policy, and the tole- 
ration plans of the Independents were accordingly shelved. 
For a hundred years — until, indeed, Pelham's " Jew Bill " 
in 1753 — they were not heard of in this purely secular 
shape again. 

1 Mercurius Pragmatkus, Dec. 19-26, 1648. 

2 Firth, " Notes on the History of the Jews in England, 1648-1660.'' 
Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. iv. 

^ " The Petition of the Jews for the Repealing of the Act of Parliament 
for their Banishment out of England" (Lond., 1649). 



The cause of Religious Liberty was, however, not the 
only force which was working in the country for the re- 
admission of the Jews. The religious fervour of the nation 
had been stirred to a high pitch, and there were few men 
whose minds had not become influenced by Messianic and 
other mystical beliefs. It is curious indeed to note that 
this current of thought ran parallel with the evolution of 
the secular idea of Toleration. Seven years after the first 
publication of Leonard Busher's famous Toleration pam- 
phlet, Mr. Sergeant Finch wrote anonymously a book 
entitled "The Calling of the Jewes" (1621), with a pre- 
fatory epistle in Hebrew, in which he invited the children 
of Israel to realise the prophecies by asserting their national 
existence in Palestine. At the same time he called upon 
all Christian princes to do homage to the Jewish nation. 
This early manifestation of Zionism did not meet with 
much sympathy in high places, for James I. was so incensed 
at it that he clapped its publisher into jail.^ The book, 
however, was a symptom, and the movement it represented 
only derived strength from persecution. The gloomier the 
lot of the sectaries, the more intense became their reliance 
on the Messianic prophecies. Even after the triumph of 
the Puritan cause, the sanest Independents held to them 
firmly side by side with their belief in Religious Liberty ; 
and in the Cartwright petition we find both views expounded. 
Extremists like the Fifth Monarchy Men made them the 
pivots for fresh outbursts of Sectarianism. Judaical sects 
arose, the members of which endeavoured to live according 
to the Levitical Law, even practising circumcision. Pro- 
secutions for such practices maybe traced back to 1624." 
Some of the saints, like Everard the Leveller, publicly called 
themselves Jews;* others went to Amsterdam, and were 
formally received into the synagogue.^ Colchester was the 

' Fuller, "A Pisgah-sight of Palestine," Book A', p. 194. 
- Calendar State Papers, Dom. 1623-25, p. 435. 
' A\'hitelock, " Memorials," p. 397. 
* De Castro, AuswaliL, loc. cit. 


headquarters of one of these Judaical sects, but there were 
others in London an^ in Wales.^ The practical effect of 
this movement was not only the production of a very wide- 
spread philo-SemitIsm, but a strong conviction that, inas- 
much as the conversion of the Jews was an indispensable 
preliminary of the Millennium, their admission to England, 
where they might meet the godliest people in the world, 
was urgently necessary. 

It was this feeling which, on the collapse of the Tolera- 
tion movement in 1649, began to make itself most loudly 
heard. Edward Nicholas, John Sadler, John Dury, Henry 
Jessey, Roger Williams, and even Thomas Fuller, who was 
far from being a mystic, urged this view on the public, and 
an agitation for the Readmission of the Jews, as a religious 
duty outside the problem of Religious Liberty, was set on 
foot. This mystical agitation found a response in what to us 
must at first sight appear a strangely inappropriate quarter. 
It brought forth from Amsterdam a Latin pamphlet, 
entitled " Spes Israelis," with a prefatory address " To the 
Parliament, the Supreme Court of England," the author of 
which was Menasseh ben Israel, one of the Rabbis of the 
congregation. This pamphlet illustrates the inception of 
the enterprise for the Resettlement of the Jews in England, 
which its author endeavoured to carry out six years later. 

Menasseh ben Israel was the son of a Marrano of Lisbon, 
who had suffered at the hands of the Inquisition, and had, 
as a result, taken up his abode in Amsterdam. Menasseh 
was educated under the care of Rabbi Isaac Uziel, and, at 
the age of eighteen, was ordained a Rabbi. He was an in- 
defatigable student, became a mine of learning, an accom- 
plished linguist, a fluent writer, and a voluble preacher. 
His attainments made considerable noise in the world, at a 
time when public attention was riveted on Biblical prophecy, 

' Edwards, Gangrana, i. p. 121 ; ii. pp. 26, 31 ; "Middlesex County 
Records," vol. iii. pp. 186-87 '■> Anabaptisiicum Pantheon, p. 233 ; Hickes, 
Pecidium Dei, pp. 19-26. There are many other scattered references in the 
literature of the period to this curious movement. 



and the question of its fulfilment through the Jews. 
His voluminous writings obtained for him a high re- 
putation as a scholar, and the readiness with which he 
afforded information to all who corresponded with him 
made him many influential friends, who spread his fame 
far and wide. The secret of the distinction Menasseh 
secured for himself, in spite of the weaknesses of his char- 
acter and the eccentricity of his mental tendency, lies in the 
fact that the world in which he lived was very largely given 
over to philo-Semitism, and to the special form of mysticism 
to which he had yielded himself. His alliance with a scion 
of the Abarbanel family, in whose tradition of Davidic 
descent he was a firm believer, inspired him with the idea 
that he was destined to promote the coming of the Mes- 
siah ; and hence the wild dreams of the English Millenarians 
appealed to him with something of a personal force. It was 
not, however, until the triumph of the Republican cause in 
England that he resolved to throw in his lot with the 
Puritan mystics, and even then he had some difficulty, as 
we may readily believe, in adopting an attitude which would 
at once conciliate the English Cohversionists, and harmonise 
with his allegiance to the synagogue.^ 

At first his sympathies, like those of most of the leading 
members of the Amsterdam community, seem to have been 
Royalist, for in 1642 we find him extolling the queen of 
Charles I. in an oration.^ In 1 647 he was still far from 
recognising in the Puritan revolt a movement calling for 
his Messianic sympathy ; for, writing to an English friend 
in that year, he described the Civil War, not, as he after- 
wards believed it to be, as a struggle of the godly against the 

* A good life of Menasseh ben Israel has yet to be written. Short bio- 
graphies have been published by Kayserling (English translation in Mis- 
cellany of Hebrew Literature, vol. ii.) ; the Rev. Dr. H. Adler, Chief Rabbi 
of the British Empire {Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i.) ; and Graetz {Ges- 
chichte der Juden, vol. x.). None of these is exhaustive, or based on bed- 
rock material. 

' "Gratulagao ao seren. Raynha Henri. Maria, dignissima corsorte ao 
august ; Carlo, Rey da Grande Britannia, Francia e Hebernia" (Amst., 1642). 



ungodly, but as a Divine punishment for the expulsion of 
his co-religionists from Britain in the thirteenth century.^ 
This letter is interesting as showing that his mind was 
then already beginning to be exercised by the Resettlement 
question ; but he evidently had as yet no definite idea of 
taking any practical action. In the autumn of 1649 a 
method of action was suggested to him by a letter he re- 
ceived from the well-known English Puritan, John Dury, 
whose acquaintance he had made in Amsterdam five years 

A friend of John Dury, one Thomas Thorowgood, was 
deeply interested in the missionary labours of the famous 
evangelist, John Eliot, among the American Indians ; and 
in order to prevail upon the philo-Jewish public to provide 
money for the support of the mission, had compiled a 
treatise showing that the American Indians were the Lost 
Tribes. This work was largely founded on the conjectures 
of the early Spanish missionaries, who had up to that time 
a monopoly of this solution of the Ten Tribes problem. 
It was written in 1648, and dedicated to the King, but the 
renewal of the Civil War in that year prevented its publi- 
cation.* Thorowgood thereupon sent the proofs of the 
first part of the work to John Dury to read. It hap- 
pened that Dury, while at the Hague in 1644, had heard 
some stories about the Ten Tribes which had very much 
interested him. One was to the effect that a Jew, named 
Antonio de Montezinos, or Aaron Levy, had, while travel- 
ling in South America, met a race of savages in the Cor- 
dilleras, who recited the Shema^ practised Jewish ceremonies, 
and were, in short, Israelites of the Tribe of Reuben. 
Montezinos had related his story to Menasseh ben Israel, 

' Harl. Misc., vol. vii. p. 623 ; infra, p. Ixxvii. 

^ Thorowgood, "Jews in America" (1660), Postscript to the "Epistle 

^ The Declaration of the Unity of God, the fundamental teaching of 
Judaism (Deut. vi. 4-9). Shema means " Hear," and it is the first word of 
verse 4 : " Hear, O Israel ; the Lord our God is one God." 



and had even embodied it in an affidavit executed under 
oath before the chiefs of the Amsterdam Synagogue. As 
soon as Dury received Thorowgood's treatise, he remem- 
bered this story, and at once wrote to Menasseh ben Israel 
for a copy of the affidavit. The courteous Rabbi sent it to 
him by return of post,^ and it was printed for the first time 
as an appendix to an instalment of Thorowgood's treatise, 
which, at Dury's instance, was published in January 1650.^ 

This incident, coupled with some letters he received 
from the notorious Millenarian, Nathaniel Holmes, came 
as a ray of light to Menasseh. For five years he had had 
Montezinos's narrative by him, and had not regarded it as of 
sufficient importance to publish. He had, perhaps, doubted 
the wisdom of publishing it, seeing that it tended to sub- 
stantiate a theory of purely Jesuitical origin, for which 
no sanction could be found in Jewish records or legend. 
Moreover, he had no strong views on the prophetical bearing 
of the question, as we may see by a letter he addressed to 
Holmes as late as the previous summer, in which he stated 
that he had grave doubts as to the time and manner of the 
coming of the Messiah.^ Now, however, the question began 
to grow clear to him, and it dawned upon him that the long- 
neglected narrative of Montezinos might be used for a 
better purpose than the support of Christian missions in 
New England. The story was, if true, a proof of the in- 
creasing dispersion of Israel. Daniel had foretold that th^ 
scattering of the Holy People would be the forerunner of 
their Restoration, and a verse in Deuteronomy had ex- 
plained that the scattering would be "from one end of 
the earth even to the other end of the earth." It was clear 
from Montezinos and other travellers that they had already 
reached one end of the earth. Let them enter England 

' Dury, "Epistolary Discourse to Mr. Thomas Thorowgood" (1649). 

» Thorowgood, " Jews in America" (1650), pp. 129 et seq. 

» The text of the letter has not been preserved, but its contents are sum- 
marised in Holmes's reply, printed in an appendix to Felgenhauet's Bonum 
Nuncium Israeli. 

XXV « 


and the other end would be attained. Thus the promises 
of the Almighty would be fulfilled, and the Golden Age 
would dawn. " I knew not," he wrote later on, " but that 
the Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have 
design'd, and made choice of me, for bringing about this 
work." ^ In this hope he wrote the famous ^xib'* nipo which 
in 1650 burst on the British public under the title of the 
" Hope of Israel." 

The central idea of this booklet did not occur to 
Menasseh immediately on receiving John Dury's letter. 
His first intention, as he explained in a letter dated Novem- 
ber 25, 1649, was to write a treatise on the Dispersion of 
the Ten Tribes for the information of Dury and his friends. 
The volume, however, grew under his pen, and a week later 
he announced to Dury his larger plan. His letter gives a 
complete synopsis of the work, and he finishes up by in- 
forming Dury that " I prove at large that the day of the 
promised Messiah unto us doth draw near." ^ Thus he had 
already made up his mind on a question which, only a few 
months before, he had assured Holmes was " uncertain," 
and was intended to be uncertain. Holmes was at the 
time unaware of his conversion, for, on December 24, he 
wrote to him an expostulatory letter, in which, curiously 
enough, he advised him to study the Danielle Prophecies.* 
Still, Menasseh does not seem to have fully grasped the 
application of his treatise to the Resettlement question, for 
neither in the body of the work nor in the Spanish edition 
does he refer to it. It was only when he composed the 
Latin edition that his scheme reached maturity. To that 
edition he prefixed a dedication to the English Parliament, 
eulogising its stupendous achievements, and supplicating 
" your favour and good-will to our nation now scattered 
almost all over the earth." 

* Vindicia Judaorum, infra, pp. 143-144. 

' Dury, "Epistolary Discourse." For text of the letters, see infra, 
p.. Ixxviii. ' Bonum Nuncium, loc. cit. 



The tract prcxluced a profound impression throughout 
England. That an eminent Jewish Rabbi should bless the 
new Republican Government, and should bear testimony to 
its having "done great things valiantly," was peculiarly 
gratifying to the whole body of Puritans. To the Mil- 
lenarians and other sectaries it was a source of still deeper 
satisfaction, for their wild faith now received the sanction 
of one of the Chosen People, a sage of Israel, of the Seed 
of the Messiah. Besides the Latin edition which Dury dis- 
tributed among all the leading Puritans, and which was 
probably read in Parliament, two English editions issued 
anonymously by Moses Wall were rapidly sold. Never- 
theless, its effect proved transitory. Sober politicians, who 
still recognised that the new-fledged Republic had, as Fair- 
fax said, " more public aiFairs " to despatch than the Jewish 
question, had begun to fear lest their hands might be forced 
by Menasseh's coup. [This feeling was strikingly reflected 
in a tract by Sir Edward Spencer, one of the members of 
Parliament for Middlesex. Addressing himself with feline 
affection " to my deare brother, Menasseh ben Israel, the 
Hebrewe Philosopher," he expressed his readiness to agree 
to the admission of the Jews on twelve conditions artfully 
designed to strengthen the hands of the sectaries who be- 
believed that, besides the dispersion of the Jews, their con-^ 
version was also a necessary condition of the Millenniuni^j 
Spencer's tract was the signal for a revulsion of feeling. 
Sadler, afterwards one of Menasseh's firmest friends, threw 
doubts on the authenticity of Montezinos's story,^ and Fuller 

^ This tract has been the source of a curious misunderstanding. Kayser- 
ling, who apparently never examined more of it than the title-page, on which the 
author is described as " E. S. Middlesex," ascribed it to " Lord Middlesex," 
and regarded it as favourable to Menasseh {Misc. Heb. Lit, ii. p. 33). Had 
he looked at the Latin translation at the end he would have found the name 
of the author given in fiill. Moreover, the writer, so far from being philo- 
Semitic, expressly states that the object of his pamphlet was the "taking off 
the scandall of our too great desire of entertayning the unbeleeNnng Nation 
of the Jewes." Kayserling's errors have been adopted without inquiry by 
Graetz, Adler, and other writers. 

' "Rights of the Kingdom," p. 39. 



did not scruple to criticise the Zionist theory on practical 
grounds.^ Even the faithful Jessey held his peace in tacit 
sympathy with Spencer's scheme. As for Menasseh, he 
showed no disposition to acquiesce in Spencer's proposals. 
The result was that the sensation gradually died away, 
though a few stalwart Tolerationists like Hugh Peters still 
clamoured for unconditional Readmission.'' 

Thus both the Toleration and Messianic movements 
proved unavailing for the purposes of the Jewish Restora- 
tion. There remained a third view of the question which 
made less noise in the world, but which was destined to 
bring about gradually and silently a real and lasting solu- 
tion — the view of Political Expediency. 

III. Cromwell's Policy 

The statesmen of the Commonwealth, who knew so 
well how to conjure with human enthusiasm, were essentially 
practical men. To imagine that they were the slaves of 
the great religious revival which had enabled them to over- 
come the loyalist inspiration of the cavaliers is entirely to 
misconceive their character and aims. The logical outcome 
of that revival, and of the triumph of the Puritan arms, 
would have been the Kingdom of Saints, but Cromwell's 
ambition aimed at something much more conventional. 
Imperial expansion and trade ascendency filled a larger 
place in his mind than the Other-worldly inspirations which 
had carried him to power. 

With the unrestricted Toleration principles of the Bap- 
tists he had no sympathy, and still less with the Messianic 
phantasies of the Fifth Monarchy Men which Menasseh 
hen Israel had virtually embraced. His ideas on Religious 
Liberty were certainly large and far in advance of his 

■ " Pisgah-sight of Palestine," Book V. pp. 194 et seq. 
2 " Good Work," &c., loc. cit. 



times,^ but they were essentially the ideas of a churchman. 
Their limits are illustrated by his ostentatious patronage 
in 1652 of Owens' scheme of a Toleration confined to 
Christians.^ Still he was not the slave of these limits. 
The ingenious distinction he drew between the Papistry of 
France and that of Spain, when it became necessary for him 
to choose between them, and his complete disregard of the 
same principles in the case of the Portuguese alliance, show 
how readily he subordinated his strongest religious pre- 
judices to political exigencies. As for the mystics and 
ultra-democrats, his views were set forth very clearly in 
his speech to the new Parliament in September 1651, when 
he opposed the Millenarians, the Judaisers, and the 
Levellers by name.' It is impossible for any one reading 
this speech side by side with Menasseh ben Israel's tracts 
to believe that the author of it had any sympathy with the 
wilder motives actuating the Jewish Rabbi. 

What was it, then, that brought these two different 
characters so closely together .? That the Readmission of 
the Jews to England was one of Cromwell's own schemes 
— part and parcel of that dream of Imperial expansion 
which filled his latter days with its stupendous adumbra- 
tion and vanished so tragically with his early death — it 
is Impossible to doubt. We have no record of his views 
on the subject, beyond a short and ambiguous abstract of 
his speech at the Whitehall Conferences, but there is ample 
evidence that he was the mainspring of the whole move- 
ment, and that Menasseh was but a puppet in his hands. 
His main motives are not difficult to guess. Cromwell's 
statecraft was, as I have said, not entirely or even essentially 
governed by religious policy. He desired to make England 

1 Writing to Crawford in 1643, he says : "The State, in choosing men 
to serve it, takes no notice of their opinions ; if they be willing faithfully to 
serve it — that satisfies. . . . Bear with men of different minds from yourself." 
Carlyle, "Cromwell's Letters and Speeches," i. p. 148. 

' Gardiner, " History of the Commonw^th," \ol. ii. 

' Carlyle, " Cromwell's Letters and Speeches," vol. iii. pp. 23, 25, 26. 



great and prosperous, as well as pious and free, and for 
these purposes he had to consider the utility of his subjects 
even before he weighed their orthodoxy. Now the Jews 
could not but appeal to him as very desirable instruments 
of his colonial and commercial policy. They controlled 
the Spanish and Portuguese trade; they had the Levant 
trade largely in their hands ; they had helped to found the 
Hamburg Bank, and they were deeply interested in the 
Dutch East and West Indian companies. Their command 
of bullion, too, was enormous, and their interest in shipping 
was considerable.^ Moreover, he knew something per- 
sonally of the Jews, for he was acquainted with some of the 
members of the community of Marranos then established 
in London, and they had proved exceedingly useful to him 
as contractors and intelligencers.^ There is, indeed, reason 
to believe that some of these Marranos had been brought 
into the country by the Parliamentary Government as early 
as 1643 with the specific object of supplying the pecuniary 
necessities of the new administration.^ 

Until the end of 165 1 the Readmission question pre- 
sented no elements of urgency, because there was a chance of 
its favourable solution without its being made the object of 
a special effort on the part of the Government or the legis- 
lature. By the treaty of coalition proposed to the Nether- 
lands by the St. John mission early in 165 1, the Jewish 
question would have solved itself, for the Hebrew merchants 
of Amsterdam would have ipso facto acquired in England 
the same rights as they enjoyed in Holland. That pro- 
posal, however, broke down, and as a result the famous 
Navigation Act was passed. The object of that measure 
was to exclude foreign nations from the colonial trade, and 
to dethrone the Dutch from their supremacy in the carrying 

' Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. pp. 73-74 ; vol. ii. pp. 17-18 ; Wolf, " Jewish 
Emancipation in the City" {Jewish Chronicle, Nov. 30, 1894); Graetz, 
Geschichte, vol. x. p. 19. 

'^ Wolf, "Cromwell's Jewish Intelligencers" (Lend., 1891). 

^ S. R. Gardiner in the Academy, March 4, 1882. 



and distributing traffic of Europe. Consequently it sup- 
plied a strong inducement to Jewish merchants — especially 
those of Amsterdam who were then trading with Jamaica 
and Barbados — to transfer their counting-houses to London. 
As such an immigration would have well served the policy 
embodied in the Navigation Act, it became desirable that 
some means of legalising Jewish residence in England should 
be found, and hence the question of Readmission was 
brought within the field of practical politics. This was 
the new form in which it presented itself. It was no 
longer a question of Religious Toleration or of the hasten- 
ing of the Millennium, but purely a question of political 

It appears that the St. John mission, when its failure 
became probable, was instructed to study the Jewish ques- 
tion, and probably to enter into negotiations with leading 
Jews in Amsterdam. Certain it is that its members saw a 
great deal of Menasseh ben Israel during their sojourn in 
Holland, and that Cromwell's benevolent intentions were con- 
veyed to him. Thurloe, who was secretary to the mission, 
had several conferences with the Rabbi, and the Synagogue 
entertained the members of the mission, notwithstanding 
that public opinion ran high against them.^ Strickland, 
the colleague of St. John, and formerly ambassador at the 
Hague, was ever afterwards regarded as an authority on the 
Jewish question, for he served on most of the Committees 
appointed to consider Menasseh's petitions. Still more sig- 
nificant is the fact that within a few weeks of the return of 
the Embassy a letter, the text of which has not been pre- 
served, was received from Menasseh by the Council of State, 
and an influential committee, on which Cromwell himself 
served, was at once appointed to peruse and answer it." 
Towards the end of the following year two passes couched 

1 Vindicia Judaorum, p. 5 ; infra, p. in ; "Humble Addresses," infra, 

P- 77- 

» Cal. State Papers, Dom. (1651), p. 472- 



in flattering terms were issued to the Rabbi to enable him 
to come to England.^ 

Meanwhile, the long-feared war broke out, and negotia- 
tions were perforce suspended. From 1652 to 1654 the 
popular agitation for the Readmission of the Jews spluttered 
weakly in pamphlets and broadsheets. In 1653 there was a 
debate in Parliament on the subject, but no conclusion was 
arrived at.^ In the following year, shortly after the con- 
clusion of peace, a new element was introduced into the 
question by the appearance on the scene of a fresh petitioner 
from Holland, one Manuel Martinez Dormido, a brother- 
in-law of Menasseh ben Israel, and afterwards well known 
in England as David Abarbanel Dormido. 

The mission of Dormido was clearly a continuation of 
Menasseh's enterprise, and it was probably undertaken on 
the direct invitation of the Protector. With the restora- 
tion of peace on terms which rendered persistence in the 
policy of the Navigation Act indispensable, Cromwell must 
have been anxious to take the Jewish question seriously in 
hand. The negotiations opened by Thurloe with Menasseh 
in 1651 were probably resumed, and an intimation was 
conveyed to the Jewish Rabbi that the time was ripe for 
him to come to England and lay his long-contemplated 
prayer before the Government of the Commonwealth. 
Menasseh's reasons for not accepting the invitation in 
person are not difficult to understand. He doubtless refers 
to them in the passage from the Vindiciie I have already 
quoted, where he says he was entreated by his kindred and 
friends, " considering the chequered and interwoven vicissi- 
tudes and turns of things here below, not to part from 
them." * His kindred and friends were wise. Owing to 
his quarrels with his colleagues in the Amsterdam Rabbinate 
his situation had become precarious, and it might have 

• Cal. State Papers, Dom. (1651-52), p. 577 ; (1652-53), p. 38. 
^ Thurloe State Papers, vol. i. p. 387 ; Clarendon State Papers, vol. ii. 
P- 233. 

' Supra, p. xvii. 



become hopelessly and disastrously compromised had he, in 
the then incensed state of Dutch feeling against England — 
a feeling in which the leading Jews of the Netherlands par- 
ticipated — undertaken a mission to the Protector. Hence 
the delegation of the work to his brother-in-law. An indi- 
cation of Menasseh's interest in the new mission is afforded 
by the fact that his only surviving son, Samuel ben Israel, 
was associated with Dormido, and accompanied him to 

Unlike his distinguished relative, Dormido had nothing 
to lose by approaching Cromwell. A Marrano by birth, a 
native of Andalusia, where he had enjoyed great wealth and 
held high public office, he had been persecuted by the In- 
quisition, and compelled to fly to Holland. There he had 
made a fortune in the Brazil trade, and had become a lead- 
ing merchant of Amsterdam, and one of the chiefs of the 
Synagogue. The conquest of Pernambuco by the Portu- 
guese early in 1654 had ruined him, and he found himself 
compelled to begin life afresh.^ He saw his opportunity 
in the mission confided to him by Menasseh. It opened 
to him the chance of a new career under the powerful pro- 
tection of the greatest personality in Christendom. Unlike 
his brother-in-law, he had no Millenarian delusions. The^ 
Jewish question appealed to him in something of the same 
practical fashion that it appealed to Cromwell. While the 
Protector was seeking the commercial interests of the 
Commonwealth, Dormido was anxious to repair his own.^ 
shattered fortunes. 

On the 1st September he arrived in London, and at 
once set about drafting two petitions to Cromwell.^ In the 
first of these documents he recited his personal history, the 
story of his sufferings at the hands of the Inquisition, and 
of the confiscation of his property by the Portuguese in 
Pernambuco. He expressed his desire to become a resident 

1 Wolf, " Resettlement of the Jews in England" (1888), p. 9. 
''■ For text of these petitions see Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. iii. pp. 88-93. 

xxxiii e 


in England and a subject of the Commonwealth, and wound 
up by praying the Pi-otector to use his good offices with the 
King of Portugal for the restitution of his fortune. The 
second petition was a prayer for the Readmission of the 
Jewish people to England, " graunting them libertie to come 
with theire famillies and estates, to bee dwellers here with 
the same eaqualjnese and conveniences wch yr inland borne 
subjects doe enjoy." The petition, after a violent tirade 
against the Inquisition and the intolerance of the Apos- 
tolical Roman Church, pointed out that the Readmission of 
the Jews would be to the advantage of trade and industry, 
and would vastly increase the public revenues. These adroit 
appeals to the chief motives of the Protector's statecraft 
were followed by a suggestion that in the event of the 
prayer being granted the petitioner might be appointed to 
the control and management of the new community, with, 
of course, appropriate compensation for his services. 

Despite their obviously selfish motives, Cromwell re- 
ceived these petitions with significant graciousness. They 
were at once sent to the Council, with an endorsement, 
stating that " His Highnes is pleased in an especiall 
manner to recommend these two annexed papers to the 
speedy consideracion of the Councell, that the Peticion may 
receive all due satisfacion and withall convenient speed." 
It is impossible not to be struck by the pressing nature of 
this recommendation, when it is considered that the chief 
petition dealt with a very large and important political 
question, and that its signatory was a man wholly unknown 
,in England. Cromwell's action can only be explained by 
the theory that he was, as I have suggested, the instigator 
of the whole movement. Whether the Council were aware 
of this or not is impossible to say. They had as yet no 
decided opinions on the subject, but they saw that it was a 
large and difficult question, that its bearings were imper- 
fectly known, and that its decision, either one way or the 
other, involved a very serious responsibility at a time when 



the religious element wielded so much power in the country, 
and withal so capriciously. At the personal instigation of 
the Protector, however, they consented to appoint a com- 
mittee to consider the petitions. A month later, taking 
advantage of a meeting at which Cromwell was not present, 
the committee verbally reported, and the Council resolved, 
that it '* saw no excuse to make any order." ^ 

That Cromwell was disappointed by this result he 
speedily made clear. In regard to the Resettlement peti- 
tion, he did not care to take the responsibility of giving a 
decision ; but on the other petition he took immediate 
steps to afford satisfaction to Dormido, in spite of the re- 
fusal of the Council to have anything to do with it. He 
addressed an autograph letter to the King of Portugal, 
asking him as a personal favour to restore Dormido's pro- 
perty, or to make him full compensation for his losses.^ 
Seeing that Dormido was an alien, and had absolutely no 
claim on the British Government, this personal intervention 
by Cromwell on his behalf affords a further strong pre- 
sumption of his privity to the Jewish mission. It is also 
not a little significant that a few months later the Pro- 
tector granted a patent of denization to Antonio Fernandez 
Carvajal, the chief of the little Marrano community in 
London, and his two sons.^ 

The question was, however, not allowed to rest here. 
Cromwell wanted an authoritative decision, which would 
enable him to do more than merely protect individual Jews, 
and it was clear that this could not be obtained imless a more 
important person than Dormido were induced to take the 
matter in hand. The question had to be raised to a higher 
level, and for this purpose it was necessary that it should 
make some noise in the country. Only one European Jew 
had sufficient influence in England to stimulate the popular 

1 State Papers, Dom. Interregnum, i. 75 (1654), pp. 596, 620. 
^ Rawl. MSS., A 260, fol. 57. Text of this letter is given in Trans. Jew. 
Hist. Soc, vol. iii. p. 93. 

* Trans. Jew. Hisf. Soc, vol. ii. pp. 18, 43--!f- 



imagination, and to justify the Government in taking serious 
steps for the solution of the question. That man was 
the author of the " Hope of Israel." In May 1655 it was 
decided to send Samuel ben Israel back to Amsterdam to 
lay the case before his father, and persuade him to come to 
London.^ There is no mystery as to who suggested this 
step. Menasseh in his diplomatic way merely tells us he 
was informed that his " coming over would not be altogether 
unwelcome to His Highness the Lord Protector." "' There 
is, however, a letter extant from John Sadler to Richard 
Cromwell, written shortly after Oliver's death, in which it 
is definitely stated that Menasseh was invited "by some 
letters of your late royall father." ^ Sadler no doubt spoke 
from personal knowledge, for in 1654 he was acting as 
private secretary to the Protector, and the endorsement on 
Dormido's petitions recommending them to the Council 
bears his signature.* Under these circumstances we can 
well understand that Menasseh was induced, as he says, to 
" conceive great hopes," and that he resolved to undertake 
the journey. In October he arrived in London with the 
MS. of his famous " Humble Addresses " in his pocket. 

During the five months that Menasseh was preparing 
for his journey, Cromwell was not idle. Colonial questions 
were occupying his mind very largely, and on these ques- 
tions he was in the habit of receiving advice from one at 
least of the London Marranos, Simon de Caceres, a relative 
of Spinoza, and an eminent merchant who had large interests 
in the West Indies, and had enjoyed the special favour of 
the King of Denmark and the Queen of Sweden.^ It was 
no doubt at the instigation of De Caceres that in April 
1655 Cromwell sent a Jewish physician, Abraham de 

' Cal. of State Papers, Dom., 1655, p. 5S5. 

^ Supra, p. xvii. ' hifra, p. Ixxxxii. 

* Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. iii. p. Qo. 

'Wolf, "American Elements in the Resettlement" {Trans. Jeiu. Hist. 
SoC;\o\. iii. pp. 95-100); Wolf, " Cromwell's Jewish Intelligencers," 1891, 
pp. 1 1-12. 



Mercado, with his son Raphael to Barbados.' Later in the 
year he was deep in consultation with De Caceres in regard 
to the defences of the newly acquired island of Jamaica, and 
a plan for the conquest of Chili.^ The most important 
result of these confabulations was a scheme for colonising 
Surinam (which since 1650 had been a British colony) with 
the Jewish fugitives from Brazil, who had been obliged to 
leave Pernambuco and Recife through the Portuguese 
reoccupation of those towns. The idea was, no doubt, 
suggested by Dormido, himself one of the victims of the 
Portuguese conquest. In order to attract the Jews, they 
were granted a charter in which full liberty of conscience was 
secured to them, together with civil rights, a large measure 
of communal autonomy, and important land grants.^ 

Thus a beginning was made in the solution of the Jewish 
question by their admission as citizens to one of the colonial 
dependencies of Great Britain. This was the first im- 
portant step achieved by Cromwell, and it illustrates at 
once his deep interest in the Jewish question, and the prac- 
tical considerations which actuated him in seeking its 

IV. The Appeal to the Nation 

On his arrival in London, Menasseh, with his retinue of 
three Rabbis,* was lodged with much ceremony in one 
of the houses opposite the New Exchange, in the then 

1 Cal. of State Papers, Dom., 1655, p. 583. 

^ " Cromwell's Jewish Intelligencers," loc. cit. 

^ Tra?ts. Jezv. Hist. Soc, vol. iii. pp. 82-86. 

* Jacob Sasportas, who had acted as a "corrector" in Menasseh's printing- 
office in Amsterdam, and was afterwards elected Chief Rabbi in London, 
was a member of the mission (Graetz, vol. x. notes, p. xix). Raguenet 
states {Histoire d'Oliver Cromwell, p. 290) that two other Rabbis accom- 
panied it, " Rabbi Jacob ben Azahel " and " David ben Eliezer of Prague." 
I have not been able to identify these persons, but tentatively I am disposed 
to think that "Azahel" is a corruption of " Heschel," and that the person 
referred to is Rabbi Josua ben Jacob Heschel of Lublin. Menasseh's 
elder son lived for some time in Lublin, and it is quite possible that Heschel 
came to London to lay the case of the persecuted Polish Jews before 



fashionable Strand, the Piccadilly of its day. These houses 
were frequented by distinguished strangers who desired to 
be near the centre of official life at Whitehall, and the fact 
that Menasseh with his slender purse took up his abode 
in one of them, instead of seeking hospitality with his 
brother-in-law or his Marrano co-religionists in the city, 
shows at once the importance with which his mission was 
invested.^ He was the guest of the Protector, bidden to 
London to discuss high affairs of state, and as such it was 
obviously inadmissible that he should be hidden away in 
some obscure address in an East-End Alsatia. 

His first task after he had settled down in his " study " 
in the Strand was to print his " Humble Addresses," in 
which he appealed to the Protector and the Commonwealth 
to readmit the Jews, and stated the grounds of his petition. 
This tract was written and translated into English long 
before he left Amsterdam. It had probably been prepared 
three years before, when he first received his passes for 
England. That it was in existence at a time when his 
final mission was uncontemplated is proved by its mention 
in a list of his works he sent to Felgenhauer in February 
1655 (n.s.).^ The title is there given as T>e Fidelitate 
et Utilitate Judaic^ Gentis, and it is described as Libellus 
Anglicus. This was nine months before he arrived in 
London, and three and a half months before his brother- 
in-law sent for him. My impression is that the tract was 
prepared at the time of the St. John mission in 165 1, and 
that Menasseh had drafted it in accordance with the advice 
of Thurloe, who had pointed out that the faithfulness and 
profitableness of the Jewish people were likely to weigh 
more with Cromwell than the relation of their dispersion 
to the Messianic Age. 

At any rate, the style and matter of the pamphlet 

1 Wolf, "Menasseh ben Israel's Study in London," Trails. Jew. Hist. 
Soc, vol. iii. pp. 144 et seq. 

^ Felgenhauer, Bonutn Nuncium Israeli, p. no. 



are in welcome contrast to the fantastical theories of the 
" Hope of Israel," resembling more the matter-of-fact 
petition of Dormido. The Danielic prophecy is, it is true, 
still asserted, but only as an aside, the case for the Re- 
admission being argued almost exclusively on grounds of 
political expediency. Incidentally certain floating calumnies 
against the Jews — such as their alleged usury, the slaying 
of infants for the Passover, and their conversion of Chris- 
tians — are discussed and refuted. In regard to the con- 
version of Christians, Menasseh had completely changed 
his attitude since writing the " Hope of Israel," for in that 
work he had boasted of the conversions made by the Jews 
in Spain.^ The prudent restraints Menasseh had imposed 
upon himself in the composition of this pamphlet are the 
more marked, since we know that he had in no way 
modified his original views as expounded in the "Hope 
of Israel." This is shown by a letter he wrote to Felgen- 
hauer early in the year, thanking him for dedicating to him 
the Bonum JSIuncium Israeli, one of the maddest rhapsodies 
ever written.^ In this letter he reiterated all his former 
views, with the exception of his belief in the imminence 
of the Millennium. Nor had he adopted any idea of com- 
promising the question of the Readmlssion to meet the 
prejudices or fears of the various political and religious 
factions in England. His demand was for absolute freedom 
of ingress and settlement for all Jews and the unfettered 
exercise of their religion, " whiles we expect with you the 
Hope of Israel to be revealed." The necessity of such a 
privilege had been the more impressed upon him by the 
renewal of the persecutions of his co-religionists in Poland, 
which had sent a great wave of destitute Jews westward. 
It was primarily for them and for the Marranos of Spain 
and Portugal that he hoped to find an unrestricted asylum 
in England.' 

1 Infra, p. 47- ^ ■^'?A''^> P- '''^'='- 

3 Graetz, Geschichte, vol. x. pp. 52-82; Mercicrius Pohttcus, Dec. 17, 
1655 ; Thurloe State Papers, vol. iv. p. 333. 



Until the publication of the " Humble Addresses," 
there are but scanty clues in the printed literature of 
the time to the frame of mind in which Menasseh's mission 
found the English public. It would seem, from the silence 
of the printing-presses, that the nearer the people approached 
the Readmission question as a problem of practical politics, 
the less enthusiastic they became for its solution. This is 
not difficult to understand. The secular Tolerationists 
were unable to make headway against the dangers of un- 
limited sectarianism, to which their doctrines seemed calcu- 
lated to open the door. Of their chief exponents, Roger 
Williams was in America, John Sadler was muzzled by the 
responsibilities of office, and Hugh Peters was without 
an influential following. Moreover, the prosecutions of 
James Naylor and Biddle were then prominently before 
the public as a lesson that Toleration had yet to triumph 
within the Christian pale. The Conversionists and Millen- 
arians, who formed the great majority of the Judeophils, 
and who included all Menasseh's own friends except 
Sadler, attached no importance to the terms on which the 
Jews might be admitted, and were quite willing to acquiesce 
in legislative restrictions provided only they were admitted. 
The Economists and Political Opportunists, represented 
by Cromwell, Thurloe, Blake, and Monk,^ did not dare to 
confess their true motives, since their worldly aims would 
on the one hand have been condemned by all the religious 
partisans of the Readmission, and on the other, would 
have alarmed the merchants of London, who had no desire 
for the commercial competition of a privileged colony of 
Hebrew traders. 

This discouraging state of affairs was aggravated by 
foreign and Royalist intrigues. From the moment Menas- 
seh's mission was thought of, the Embassies in London and 
the Royalist agents set to work to defeat it. The Embassies, 
especially that of Holland, opposed it on its true grounds, 

' "Annals of England" (1655), vol. iii. p. 31. 


as a development of the policy of the Navigation Act.^ 
The Royalists were anxious to defeat it because, as White- 
lock says, " it was a business of much importance to the 
Commonwealth, and the Protector wa's earnestly set upon 
it." ^ Moreover, they had hoped to attract the Jews to 
their own cause, and they had been encouraged in this 
hope by the substantial assistance already rendered to them 
by wealthy Hebrews, like the Da Costas and Coronels.^ 
An intercepted letter from Sir Edward Nicholas, Secretary 
to the exiled King, shows that the highest Royalist circles 
took a profound interest in the Jewish question, and made 
it their business to be well informed as to its progress. 
Nicholas, indeed, seerris to have known all about the nego- 
tiations which preceded Menasseh's journey to England.* 

As soon as Menasseh reached London, he found him- 
self the object of a host of calumnious legends, clearly 
designed by the Royalists and foreign agents to disturb the 
public mind. The story that the Jews had offered to buy 
St. Paul's Cathedral and the Bodleian Library, which had 
been circulated unheeded in 1649, was revived.^ One of 
Menasseh's retinue was accused of wishing to identify 
Cromwell as the Jewish Messiah, and it was circumstantially 
stated that he had investigated the Protector's pedigree in 
order to prove his Davidic descent.® It was declared that 
Cromwell harboured a design to hand over to the Jews the 

' The interest of the Embassies in the question is illustrated by the fre- 
quent reference made to it in the despatches of Chanut (Thurloe, vol. ii. p. 
652), Nieupoort {Ibid., vol. iv. pp. 333, 338; "New York Colonial MSS.," 
vol. i. pp. 579, 583), Sagredo and Salvetti {Revue des Etudes Juives, No. t r, 
pp. 103-104). Nieupoort's view is shown by the assurance he extracted 
from Menasseh that there was no intention to invite Dutch Jews to Eng- 
land (Thurloe, vol. iv. p. 333). 

2 " Memorials," p. 618. 

3 Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. pp. 70-71. 75- 

* Ibid., p. 44. 

' Infra, p. 118. London A'ews Letter, April 2, 1649 (Cartes Letters, vol. i. 
p. 275). 

* Jesse, "England under the Stuarts," vol. u. p. 297; Tovey, Angba 
Judaica, p. 275. 

xli / 


farming of the customs.^ At the same time their character 
was painted in the darkest colours.^ One of the most insi- 
dious forms that this campaign took was an attempt to show 
that the hope of converting the Jews, by which the larger 
number of the friends of the Readmission were actuated, was 
illusory, and that so far from becoming Christians, the Jews 
'would "stone Christ to death." For this purpose the pen 
of a converted Jew, named Paul Isaiah, who had served as 
a trooper in Rupert's Horse, was requisitioned.^ It was a 
hazardous experiment to employ Isaiah, for he might easily 
have been hailed by the Conversionists as a proof of the 
convertibility of the Jews. It was, however, notorious that 
he had learnt the ethics of the wilder Cavalier swashbucklers 
only too well,* and he was consequently regarded rather 
as an " awful example " of the sort of Jew who might be 
expected to listen to the Gospel than as an encouragement 
to hope for the salvation of the whole people. 

The publication of the "Humble Addresses" only 
aggravated these popular misgivings. While the clerical 
and commercial Anti-Semites disputed all the propositions 
of Menasseh's pamphlet, the visionaries and friends of 
Israel strongly resented the " sinfulness " of its insistence 
on the profitableness of the Jews. ''^The bias of public 
feeling, as revealed by the tracts to which the " Humble 
Addresses" gave rise, was distinctly less favourable than 
in 1649, and was overwhelmingly hostile to an unre- 
served acquiescence in the terms of the Jewish petition. * 
In 1649 an honest attempt to understand Judaism was 
made, as we may see by the publication of Chilmead's 
translation of Leo de Modena's Historia dei riti ebraici. 
There is no trace of an appeal to this or any similarly 

1 Violet, " Petition against the Jews," p. 2. 

2 The violence of such tracts as Prynne's " Demurrer," Ross's " View of 
the Jewish Religion," and the anonymous " Case of the Jews Stated," has 
no parallel in the literature of the time. 

^ Paul Isaiah, "The Messias of the Christians and the Jews." 
* Prynne, " Demurrer," Part I. p. 73. 



authoritative work in 1655-56, except in a stray passage 
of an isolated protest against the calumnies heaped on the 
Jews.^ On the contrary, the efforts of the new students 
of Judaism, like Alexander Ross, were devoted to proving 
that the Jews had nothing in common with Christians, 
and that their religion " is not founded on Moses and the 
Law, but on idle and foolish traditions of the Rabbins" — 
that it was, in fact, a sort of Paganism.^ The historical 
attacks on the Jews were the most powerful that had yet 
been made, while the replies to them were few and by 
obscure writers.^ What is most significant, however, is that 
the chief friends of the Jews — the men who had encouraged 
Menasseh six years before — were now either silent or openly 
in favour of restrictions which would have rendered the 
Readmission a barren privilege. Sadler did not reiterate 
the Judeophil teachings of his " Rights of the Kingdom " ; 
there was no echo of Hugh Peters's "Good Work for a 
Good Magistrate," with its uncompromising demand for 
liberty of conscience ; and the pseudonymous author of 
" An Apology for the Honourable Nation of Jews," which 
had so strongly impressed the public in 1648, was dumb. 
John Dury, who had practically started the first agitation 
in favour of the Jews, was now studying Jewish disabilities 
at Cassel, with a view to their introduction into England ; * 
and Henry Jessey, the author of " The Glory of Judah and 
Israel," to the testimonies of which Menasseh confidently 
appealed in the closing paragraph of his " Humble Ad- 
dresses," had been won over to the necessity of restrictions.' 
Not a single influential voice was raised in England in 
support of Menasseh's proposals, either on the ground of 

' Copley, " Case of the Jews is Altered," p. 4. 

2 " View of the Jewish Religion." 

3 See especially Prynne's " Demurrers," and " Anglo-Judasus," by W. H. 
Only three ungrudging defences of the Jews were published — Copley's 
"Case of the Jews," D. L.'s "Israel's Condition and Cause Pleaded" (a 
very feeble reply to Prynne), and Collier's " Brief Answer." 

* Dury, " A Case of Conscience." Harl. Misc., vol. vii. p. 256. 
s " Life of Henry Jessey," pp. 67-68. _ 



love for the Jews or religious liberty. The temper of the 
unlettered people, especially the mercantile classes, is suffi- 
ciently illustrated by the fact that only a few months before 
a Jewish beggar had been mobbed in the city, owing to 
the inflammatory conduct of a merchant, who had followed 
the poor stranger about the Poultry shouting, " Give him 
nothing ; he is a cursed Jew." ^ 

Undeterred by the inhospitable attitude of the public, 
Menasseh formally opened his negotiations with the Govern- 
ment of the Commonwealth. His first step was to pay a 
visit to Whitehall, and present copies of his " Humble 
Addresses" to the Council of State. He was unfortunate 
in the day he selected for this visit, for it happened to be 
one of the rare occasions when Cromwell was not present at 
the Council's deliberations. The result was that, as on 
the similar occasion of the consideration of the report on 
Dormido's petition, the Council felt itself free to take no 
action. It contented itself with instructing its clerk, Mr. 
Jessop, " to go forth and receive the said books," and then 
proceeded with other business.^ 

That the Council had no desire to assume the responsi- 
bility of deciding the thorny Jewish question soon became 
manifest. A fortnight after Menasseh's abortive visit to 
Whitehall, Cromwell brought down to the Council a peti- 
tion which had been handed to him by the Jewish Rabbi, 
in which were set forth categorically the several "graces 
and favours " by which it was proposed that the Readmis- 
sion of the Jews should be effected.^ The Protector evi- 
dently felt none of the misgivings of his advisers. It is 
probable, indeed, that in his masterful way he misunder- 
stood the trend of public feeling. He had convinced him- 
self that, as an act of policy, some concession to the Jews 
was desirable. His strong instinct for religious liberty 

' Philo-Judceus, "The Resurrection of Dead Bones,' p. 102. 
^ State Papers, Domestic. Interregnum, vol. i. 76, p. 353. 
^ Ibid., p. 374. For text of petition, see infra, pp. Ixxxii-lxxxiv. 


inclined him favourably to the more academic aspects of 
the question, and his profound sympathy with persecuted 
peoples had been stirred by the accounts Menasseh had 
personally given him of the dire straits of the Jews in 
Poland, Sweden, and the Holy Land, and of the cruelties 
inflicted on them in Spain and Portugal.^ Moreover, his 
patriotism revolted at the idea that Protestant England 
should be particeps criminis in a policy of oppression which 
was so peculiarly identified with Papistical error. Thus 
impressed, he cared little for the outcries of the pamphleteers 
or the nervous scruples of his councillors, and he set him- 
self to force on a prompt solution. At his instance a 
motion was made " That the Jews deserving it may be 
admitted into this nation to trade and traffic and dwell 
amongst us as Providence shall give occasion," ^ and this, 
together with the petition of Menasseh and his " Humble 
Addresses," was at once referred to a Committee. At the 
same time it was made clear to that body that the Pro- 
tector expected an early report.^ 

\ So much is evident from the fact that the Committee 
rn^festhe same afternoon and reported the next morning. 
Its task was not an easy one. The feeling of the Council 
was by\io means hostile to the Jews, but it had no 
enthusiasnKfor their cause, and it probably felt that an ex- 
tension of official toleration beyond the limits of Christi- 
anity was a hazardous experiment. On the other hand, 
it was no longer possible for it to express this feeling in 
the same unceremonious fashion as had been done in the 
case of Dormido. The Jewish question had become the 
question of the day owing to Menasseh's visit. Public 
feeling had been deeply stirred by it, and Cromwell had 
placed it in the forefront of his personal solicitude. Some 
action was necessary. The Committee seems to have dis- 
creetly resolved that the wisest course to pursue was one 

' Harl. Miscellany, vol. vii. p. 6i8. 
2 Infra, p. Ixxxiv. ^ State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76, p. 374. 



which would absolve it of responsibility, and leave Cromwell 
and the outside public to fight it out between them. Ac- 
cordingly it reported that it felt itself incompetent to offer 
any advice to the Council, and it suggested that the views 
of the nation should be ascertained by the summoning of a 
Conference of representative Englishmen who might assist 
it in framing a report. 

This resolution was duly reported to the Council on 
the following day, when Cromwell was again present. How 
little the Protector estimated the difficulties in his path is 
shown by the fact that the Committee's recommendation 
was at once acted upon. John Lisle, Sir Charles Wolseley, 
and Sir Gilbert Pickering, three members of the Com- 
mittee notoriously devoted to Cromwell, were instructed 
to meet the Lord President the same afternoon, and draw 
up a list of the personages to be summoned to the proposed 
Conference.^ The list was duly presented to the Council 
on the following morning, and, under the vigilant eye of 
the Protector, approved. At the same time the terms of a 
circular convening the Conference were agreed upon, and 
the 4th December was fixed for the meeting.^ 

Nothing is more significant than the rapidity with which 
these steps were taken. On Tuesday the 13 th November 
Menasseh's petition was sprung on the reluctant Council. 
On the following Thursday summonses to a National Confer- 
ence were being sent out from Whitehall, the Council having 
meanwhile held three meetings, at all of which the Jewish 
question was discussed, and a Committee specially charged 
with the question having held two further meetings. In all this 
we may clearly trace the personal insistence of the Protector. 

Bruited abroad through the congregations of the divines 
and the constituents of the politicians and merchants to 
Avhom the summonses to the Conference had been addressed, 
the question of the Readmission of the Jews now came to 

' State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76, p. 375. 

^ Ibid., pp. 378-379. For text of Circular see infra, p. Ixxxiv. 



the forefront of national politics. Amid considerable 
popular excitement, the Conference met in the Council 
Chamber at Whitehall ^ on the first Tuesday in December. 

It was a notable gathering — one of the most notable in 
the whole history of the Commonwealth. The statesmen 
present were the most eminent on the active list of the 
moment. There was Henry Lawrence, the Lord President, 
with four of his civilian colleagues on the Council, Sir 
Gilbert Pickering, Sir Charles Wolseley, Lisle the regicide, 
and Francis Rous. Close by was Walter Strickland, the 
diplomatist, who had represented the Commonwealth at 
the Hague, and had shared with Oliver St. John the 
honours and mortifications of the famous mission of 1651. 
In the same inner circle were John Lambert, " the army's 
darling," and one of the most brilliant of Cromwell's 
veterans, and William Sydenham, one of the founders of 
the Protectorate. The law was represented by Sir John 
Giynne, Chief Justice of the Upper Bench, and William 
Steele, Chief Baron of the Exchequer. Lord Chief Justice 
St. John had also been invited, but he astutely stayed away. 
Those who knew St. John must have regarded his absence 
as ominous. On behalf of the mercantile community there 
appeared Alderman Dethick, the Lord Mayor of London, 
Alderman Cressett of the Charterhouse, Alderman Riccards, 
and Sheriff Thompson. These men were official nonen- 
tities, for the real representatives of Commerce were Sir 
Christopher Pack, the late Lord Mayor and the leading 
mercantile authority in the country, William KifFen, the 
wealthy merchant-parson, and the regicide Owen Rowe, 
now deputy-governor of the Bermuda Company. 

It was, however, on the religious side that the Conference 
was strongest. Sixteen theologians and divines, the flower 
of Puritan piety and learning, responded to Cromwell's 
invitation. There was Dr. Cudworth, Regius Professor 
of Hebrew, the philosophic opponent of atheism, whose 

1 Publick Intelligencer, December 10, 1655. 


" Intellectual System " is an English classic. There, too, 
were Dr. Owen, most famous of Independent divines and 
most fearless of the champions of religious liberty, and 
John Caryll, the great Puritan Bible commentator. Oxford 
University sent Dr. Goodwin, President of Magdalen 
College, and Henry Wilkinson, Canon of Christ Church. 
Cambridge appeared in the person of the learned Dr. 
Whitchcote, Provost of King's. Among the preachers 
were William Bridge of Yarmouth ; Daniel Dyke, one of 
Cromwell's chaplains in ordinary ; Henry Jessey, the Baptist 
Judeophil and friend of Menasseh ; Thomas Manton, 
mildest and most genial of Presbyterians, " the prelate of 
the Commonwealth," as Wood calls him ; Dr. Newcomen, 
one of the authors of " Smectymnuus " ; Philip Nye, the 
sturdy Independent and champion of toleration ; Anthony 
Tuckney, one of the most prominent divines of the West- 
minster Assembly, and three lesser lights, William Benn of 
Dorchester, Walter Craddock of All Hallows the Great, 
London, and Samuel Fairclough. John Carter, the vehement 
enemy of Presbyterianism and monarchy, could not attend, 
for he was on his deathbed at Norwich when the invitation 
reached him.^ 

It is not difficult to see that the Conference had been 
carefully organised with a view to a decision favourable to 
the Jews. The great majority of the members were con- 
spicuous for their attachment to the cause of religious 
toleration, while not a few of the laymen were equally 
notorious for their devotion — some for their subservience 
— to Cromwell. And yet its upshot proved very different 
from what the Protector anticipated.^ 

The first meeting was chiefly concerned with the legal 
problem. After the proposals of Menasseh ben Israel had 
been read, Cromwell himself laid down the programme of 
the proceedings in two questions. 

' The list of members is given in State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76, p. 378. 
''■ Publick Intelligencer, loc. cit. 



( 1 ) Whether it be lawful to receive the Jews ? 

(2) If it be lawful, then upon what terms is it meet to 
receive them ? * 

The first question was purely technical, and only the 
lawyers were competent to pronounce an opinion on it. 
Accordingly, the two Judges present, Glynne and Steele, 
were called upon to speak. After an elaborate review of 
the status of the Jews in the pre-expulsion period, and 
the circumstances under which they were banished in 1290, 
both expressed the opinion that "there was no law which 
forbad the Jews' return into England." ^ The grounds of 
this decision are nowhere stated. It was probably based 
on the fact that the banishment in 1290 was an exercise of 
the royal prerogative in regard to the personal " chattels " 
of the King and not an Act of Parliament, and that the 
force of the decree expired with the death of Edward I. 
At any rate, Cromwell had gained his first point,' and he 
joyfully adjourned the Conference to the following Friday, 
adjuring the divines meanwhile to ponder well the second 

What happened at the two following meetings, which 
were held on the 7 th and 1 2 th December,^ we do not know 
in detail. The records of the time only afford us scanty 
glimpses of the opinions expressed, without any indication 
of the days on which they were respectively uttered. It is 
clear, however, that the feeling of the clergy turned out to 
be on the whole unfavourable to Menasseh's petition. The 
calumnies of the pamphleteers had done their work. The 
idea of public religious services at which Christ might be 
blasphemed stayed the hands of the most tolerant. Others 

1 [Henry Jessey.] " A Narrative of the late Proceedings at Whitehall 
Concerning the Jews, &c.," Harl. Misc., vii. p. 623. See also Burton {pseud. 
i.e. Nathaniel Cronch), Judceorufn Memorabilia. ^ Ibid. 

2 That the Judges' decision was given at the first meeting of the Con- 
ference is clear from a statement made by Nye to Prynne on the morning 
of the second meeting (" Short Demurrer," p. 4). 

* Publick Intelligencer, loc. cit. _ ' Ibid. - 

xlix g 


feared that unrestricted liberty of Jewish worship would 
create in the Synagogue a nucleus round which the Judaical 
sectaries would rally. Dr. Newcomen drew a harrowing 
picture of English converts to Judaism joining the immi- 
grants in offering cliildren to Moloch.^ The moderate 
majority, impressed, probably, by a weighty and elaborate 
opinion drawn up by Dr. Barlow, librarian of the Bodleian, 
and presented to the Conference by Dr. Goodwin,^ were 
strongly in favour of an admission under severe restrictions. 
Even the level-headed Nye, who was ready to tolerate all 
religious follies so long as they were peaceable, asked for 
" due cautions warranted by Holy Scripture." ^ It was in 
vain that Lawrence and Lambert, supported by the learned 
commentator Caryll, combated these opinions.* 

On the eve of the third meeting Cromwell sought to 
strengthen the Judeophils by adding to the Conference 
Hugh Peters, the oldest of the advocates of unrestricted 
Readmission, together with his favourite chaplain, Peter 
Sterry, and Mr. Bulkeley, the Provost of Eton.^ This, 
however, did not improve matters, for Peters had mean- 
while heard something of the Marranos in London and 
their papistical dissimulation of their religion, and he 
vigorously denounced the Jews as "a self-seeking gene- 
ration " who " made but little conscience of their own 
principles." ° This discourse seems to have produced a con- 

' Judaorum Memorabilia, p. 1 70. 

'•^ Barlow, "Several Miscellaneous and Weighty Cases of Conscience" 
(1692), Fifth Treatise. See also p. i of the Bookseller's Preface. Rev. 
S. Levy believes {Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, iii. p. 152) that this opinion was 
drawn up at the request of Robert Boyle. This is improbable, as it is clear 
from the resemblances between Barlow's recommendations and the report 
ultimately drawn up by the Committee of the Council {infra, p. Ixxxiv), that 
the opinion was submitted to the Whitehall Conference, and Boyle was not a 
member of that body. Goodwin, who was President of Magdalen College, 
is much more likely to have asked Barlow for the opinion, especially as we 
know that he was in favour of "due cautions" {Jud.Mem., p. 174). 

^ Jud. Mem., p. 174. * Ibid., pp. 170, 175. 

' State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 76 (1655), p. 412. 

* This is shown by two letters in the Domestic State Papers (see Trans. 
Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. p. 46). 



siderable impression on the Conference, for Thurloe, 
writing to Henry Cromwell on the 17 th, expressed the 
shrewd opinion that " nothing will be done." ^ 

So far, however, the essential point for which Cromwell 
had been striving had not been jeopardised. He was desir- 
ous of securing the admission of the Jews on liberal terms, 
but at a pinch he would no doubt have agreed to religious 
and civil restrictions, provided the commercial activity of 
the immigrants was not unduly fettered. Hence the terms 
favoured by the majority of the clergy did not trouble him 
very seriously. 

At the final meeting, which was held on the i8th 
December,^ the commercial question was broached. On 
this occasion the doors of the Council Chamber were, for some 
sinister reason, thrown open to the public,^ and an excited 
crowd, armed with copies of Prynne's newly published tract 
on the Jewish question,* collected to hear the debate. The 
proceedings were tempestuous from the beginning, and 
gradually they took the form of a vehement demonstra- 
tion against the Jews. Merchant after merchant rose and 
violently protested against any concessions, declaring that 
the Hebrews were a mean and vicious people, and that 
their admission would enrich foreigners and impoverish the 
natives.' Even strangers took part in these tirades, and a 
Mr. Lloyd, who was not a member of the Conference, 
distinguished himself by a " fierce " harangue.^ The climax 
was reached when Sir Christopher Pack, the most eminent 
citizen of his day, and a devoted adherent of the Protector, 
ranged himself with the opponents of Menasseh, in an 

' Thurloe State Papers, voL iv. p. 321. 
- Publick Intelligencer, loc. cit. 
3 Spence's "Anecdotes," p. 77. 

* "A Short Demurrer," Part I. The publication of the pamphlet was 
hurried to be in time for the Conference. It was written in seven days, 
and the preface is dated December 14, four days before the last meeting {cf. 
Preface to " Second Demurrer," 1656). 

5 Jud. Manor., p. 175 ; Burton, "Diaiy," p. 309. 

• Burton, loc. cit. 



address which is said to have been the most impressive 
delivered during the whole course of the Conference.^ 

The advocates of out-and-out exclusion were, however, 
as little likely to carry the day as the champions of unre- 
stricted admission, for the majority of the members of the 
Conference were divines who were anxious that the Jews 
should be converted, and for that reason desired that they 
should be somehow or other brought into the country. 
Moreover, since the decision of the Judges, the question was 
no longer whether exclusion should be persisted in, but 
only on what terms admission should be sanctioned. This 
was probably pointed out to the merchants, and an attempt 
to arrive at a compromise was made. After some private 
confabulations, Henry Jessey rose to announce the terms 
that had been agreed upon. The appearance of Jessey, the 
profound Rabbinical student, the friend of Menasseh, and 
one of the veterans of the Readmission cause, seemed to 
betoken a Jewish victory. What must have been the 
astonishment of his friends when he stated, with naive 
satisfaction, that the basis of the compromise was that the 
Jews should only be admitted to decayed ports and towns, 
and that they should pay double customs duties on their 
imports and exports ! " 

Cromwell now saw his whole scheme crumbling to 
pieces. That, if put to the vote, Jessey's compromise 
would be adopted by an overwhelming majority was patent 
to everybody. In that case not only would the commercial 
design which Cromwell had at heart be defeated, but the 
Marranos in London, who had served him so well, would be 
practically banished. At all hazards a vote had to be pre- 
vented.' Cromwell acted with characteristic promptness 
and audacity. Rising from the chair of state, he addressed 

' Burton, loc. cit. 

"^ " Life of Henry Jessey," pp. 67-68. 

^ That CromweH's interposition took place under these circumstances is 
an inference of the present writer's. The statements in Jessey's " Life " 
clearly point to this conclusion. 



the Assembly. Ingeniously ignoring the proposed com- 
promise, he began his speech with a review of the differences 
of opinion revealed by the various speakers. They were, he 
scornfully declared, a babel of discordances. He had hoped 
that the Preachers would have given him some clear and 
practical advice, but they had only multiplied his doubts. 
Protesting that he had no engagements to the Jews but 
what the Scriptures held forth, he insisted that "since there 
was a promise of their conversion, means must be used to 
that end, which was the preaching of the Gospel, and that 
could not be done unless they were permitted to dwell 
where the Gospel was preached." Then, turning to the 
merchants, he harped sarcastically on the accusations they had 
brought against the Jews. " You say they are the meanest 
and most despised of all people. So be it. But in that 
case what becomes of your fears ? Can you really be afraid 
that this contemptible and despised people should be able 
to prevail in trade and credit over the merchants of Eng- 
land, the noblest and most esteemed merchants of the whole 
world ? " It was clear, he added sharply, that no help was 
to be expected from the Conference, and that he and the 
Council would have to take their own course. He hoped 
he should do nothing foolishly or rashly, and he asked now 
only that the Conference would give him the benefit of 
their prayers, so that he might be directed to act for the 
glory of God and the good of the nation.^ So saying, he 
vacated the chair in token that the proceedings were at 
an end. 

The speech was a fighting speech, delivered with great 
animation, and is said to have been one of the best Crom- 
well ever made." It achieved its object, for the Conference 
broke up without a word of protest, and the crowds dis- 

* These fragments of Cromwell's speech are gathered from Jessey's 
"Narrative," Crouch's Judaorum Memorabilicu,-^^. 175-176, and Spence's 
'• Anecdotes," p. 77- 

* Testimony by Rycaut, who was present in the crowd (Spence's " Anec- 
dotes," p. 77)- 



persed in cowed silence. Cromwell left the Council Chamber 
in a towering passion, and it was some days before he 
recovered his equanimity.^ 

The battle was, however, not yet over. Cromwell had 
dismissed the Conference, but the Committee of the 
Council of State had yet to report. It could not well, in 
sober writing, take the view of the Protector's strategic 
speech, nor could it ignore the instruction of the Council 
to which it owed its existence. Accordingly it set itself to 
the drafting of a report which should express the obvious 
views of the Conference without conflicting too violently 
with Cromwell's equally obvious design. The report 
accepted the view of the Judges that there was no law 
against the Readmission, and then proceeded to set forth 
under six heads the views urged by the Conference, including 
the view of the merchants, that "great prejudice is likely 
to arise to the natives of this Commonwealth in matters of 
trade." Finally, it laid down seven conditions, apparently 
borrowed from Barlow's opinion,^ by which the Readmis- 
sion should be governed. The Jews should have no 
autonomous jurisdiction ; they should be forbidden from 
blaspheming Christ ; they should not profane the Christian 
Sabbath ; they should have no Christian servants ; they 
should be ineligible for public office ; they should print 
nothing against Christianity, and they should not discour- 
age those who might attempt to convert them, while the 
making of converts by them should be prohibited. No 
restriction on their trading was suggested.^ 

What became of this document is not clear. A clean 
copy of it, undated and unendorsed, is preserved in the 

' Writing to Henry Cromwell about the Conference a week later, 
Thurloe says, " I doe assure you that his highness is put to exercise every 
day with the peevishness and wroth of some persons heere " (State Papers, 
vo). iv. p. 343). 

^ Cf. Conditions, ii., iii., iv., v., ix., xi., and xvii., in Barlow, "The Care 
of the Jews," pp. 67, 68, 70, 71, and 73. 

•^ Infra, p. Ixxxiv-lxxxv. 



State Papers, but there is no reference to it in the Order 
Book of the Council of State.^ And yet it is certain that the 
Committee presented it to the Council, for the Conference 
was only a means of enlightening the Committee, and the 
Council still looked to it for advice. It is probable that 
it was never formally accepted by the Council. When 
it was in due course brought up, Cromwell most likely 
objected to its presentation. After his experience of the 
Conference, it was clear to him that whatever was done 
would have to be done more or less unofficially. The 
acceptance of the report would have involved legislation, in 
which case the proceedings of the Conference would have 
been repeated in a form far more difficult to control, and 
perhaps impossible to defeat. Gratified by the omission 
of trade restrictions from the report, and feeling the neces- 
sity of retaining the support of the Council in the further 
steps he might take, the Protector probably assured them 
that he was in agreement with them on most points, and 
that he would do nothing unwarranted by the views they 
had expressed. At the same time he doubtless pointed 
out that many other important questions claimed the 
attention of Parliament, and that it would be well if men's 
minds were not further disturbed by the Jewish question. 
Accordingly he advised that the report should be ignored 
and the matter allowed to drop." 

Here the question rested at the end of 1655. The 
result was not encouraging, but at any rate one important 
point had been gained. The prevailing idea that the in- 
coming of Jews and their sojourn in the land were illegal 

1 In the Calendar of State Papers, Dom. (1655-1656), p. 15, it is hypotheti- 
cally dated November 13, the day on which Menasseh's proposals were 
referred to the Committee. This date is absolutely impossible, as the Com- 
mittee could not have ascertained the views it reported to the Council in the 
course of a single afternoon. If it was not drawn up on the 15th, it could 
not have been drawn up until the Conference was over, as the Conference 
was specifically summoned to advise the Committee. 

- I have to thank Dr. Gardiner for this ingenious conjecture. It entirely 
accords vnih. all the known facts. 



had been completely and finally shattered. This was the 
thin end of the wedge, and it had been so securely driven 
in, that John Evelyn entered in his Diary under date of 
December 14th : " Now were the Jews admitted." ^ 

V. Cromwell's Action 

Had the Diarist waited until the close of the Whitehall 
Conferences he would probably have modified his opinion. 
Although the technical question of the right of incoming 
had been decided, the cause of the Readmission had not 
been materially advanced. The universal demand for re- 
strictions rendered it impossible for the Jews to avail them- 
selves of their legal right without an assurance of protection 
from the Government. As late as the following April no 
complete settlement on this point had been reached, for in 
the passage from the Vindicia already quoted, Menasseh 
wrote on the loth of that month, "As yet we have had 
no finall determination from his most Serene Highnesse." ^ 

What happened after the Conferences is somewhat 
obscure, owing to the reticence of the public records on 
the Jewish question. It is certain, however, that before 
Cromwell's death a favourable decision was arrived at, 
and that an organised Jewish community came into the 
light of day in London, protected by definite rights of 
residence, worship, and trade. This is proved by the 
petitions for the re-expulsion of the Jews presented to 
Charles II. on his arrival in London in 1660, and especially 
by a statement in a petition of the Lord Mayor and 
Aldermen of the City of London, that "in that grand 
Complicacon of mischeifs brought on yo' Ma'"'" good 
subjects by y^ corrupt interest of the late usurper f admis- 
sion of "Jews to a free cohabition and trade in these dominions 
was found to be a most heavy pressure on yo' Peticon"^'" ^ 

1 Edit. Bohn, vol. i. p. 327. ^ Supra, p. xvii. 

' Guildhall Archives. Remembrancia, vol. ix. No. 44, pp. 1-18. I 
printed the text of this petition in full in the Jewish Chronicle, November 
15, 1899. 



How had this free settlement been brought about ? It 
is not altogether impossible to reconstruct the story, although 
the materials are scanty and vague. 

Cromwell's parting speech to the Whitehall Assembly, 
and the continued residence of Menasseh in London, must 
have excited apprehension among the extreme Judeophobes. 
The decision of the Judges and the Protector's threat that 
he and the Council would take their own course rendered a 
formal proclamation of Readmission by no means improb- 
able. On the other hand, the great bulk of the nation had 
shown itself unfavourable to the scheme, and there was 
just a chance that this might stay Cromwell's hand. This 
popular ill-feeling the anti-Semitic pamphleteers now set 
themselves to inflame. It was probably hoped by this 
means, if not to intimidate the Protector, at any rate to 
strengthen the Council in their resistance to his original 

The new year had scarcely dawned when the inde- 
fatigable pen of Prynne was again at work on an enlarged 
edition of his "Demurrer." In this work he especially 
devoted himself to the legal question, amplifying by some 
twenty pages his argument that the expulsion by Edward I. 
remained valid, and could only be reversed by an Act of 
Parliament. In February he published Part II. of the 
*' Demurrer," containing a further instalment of documents 
relating to the history of the Jews in England in the twelfth 
and thirteenth centuries. The object of this work, which is 
a monument of research, and which until a generation ago 
was the chief printed source of our knowledge of the 
mediaeval history of the English Jews, was to show that 
the Jews had never lived in England except under severe 
disabilities, and that they were a people of phenomenal 
viciousness, clippers of coin, crucifiers of children, and 
the blaspheming devotees of a ghastly blood cultus. Less 
learned, but not less virulent, was Alexander Ross, whose 
calumnious " View of the Jewish Religion " was published 

Ivii h 


about the same time. Several anonymous pamphleteers 
followed suit. The campaign does not seem to have ex- 
cited much agitation, but it probably had the effect of 
deciding Cromwell not to attempt a public solution of 
the question in the sense of his own private wishes and 
of Menasseh's petition. 

'All that was urgent he had, indeed, already done. 
Shortly after the termination of the Whitehall Conferences 
he had verbally assured the London Marranos of his per- 
sonal protection, and had given them permission to cele- 
brate divine worship after the Jewish fashion, on condition 
that the services were held in private houses.^ These 
favours were conveyed through John Sadler, no doubt in 
order to avoid any further apprehensions of a reopening of 
the Jewish question that might be aroused by granting an 
audience to Menasseh. The restriction in regard to the 
privacy of the services shows that Cromwell had definitely 
resolved to adhere to his compromise with the Council and 
to respect the spirit of their report. Legally the Jews were 
entitled to celebrate divine worship in public, for, by the 
repeal of the Recusancy Acts by the Long Parliament in 
1650, the practice of every kind of religious duty, "either 
of prayer, preaching, reading or expounding the Scriptures," 
had been legalised, the celebration of mass being alone ex- 
cepted.^ It would, however, have been dangerous for the 
Jews to claim this right, and Cromwell no doubt pointed 
out to them that, in that case, it would be necessary to 
apply to Parliament for legislation, which could only have 
taken the form of enacting the oppressive recommendations 
of the Whitehall Conferences. Under these circumstances 
the Marranos could not but acquiesce. That their desire 
for synagogue services was entirely due to their Jewish 
piety, or was animated by a craving for martyrdom, is, 

' These grants are mentioned in a Jewish petition subsequently pre- 
sented to Cromwell {infra, pp. Ixxxv-lxxxvi). 

''■ Gardiner, " Hist, of the Commonwealth," vol. i. pp. 396-97. 



moreover, very unlikely. The outbreak of war with Spain 
had rendered it impossible for them to continue, in their 
guise of Nuevos Cristianos, to attend the services in the 
Spanish Ambassador's chapel, and as they were bound by 
the Act of 1650 to resort to some place "where the service 
or worship of God is exercised," they were confronted by 
the necessity of either posing as pseudo-Protestants or 
frankly practising Judaism. The former course was out of 
the question, especially after Hugh Peters's condemnation 
of their hypocrisy at Whitehall. Hence their request to 
be permitted to worship as Jews. By Cromwell's ac- 
quiescence in this request and his promise of protection 
a secret beginning in the way of Readmission had been 
informally accomplished. 

This arrangement was, however, not destined to endure. 
It was an evasion of the will of the Whitehall Conferences 
— an attempt, as Graetz has well said, to readmit the Jews 
"nicht durch das grosse Portal sondern durch eine Hin- 
terthiir."^ It was condemned to failure, too, because its 
secret could not be kept. Even before the end of 1655 
Cromwell's intentions were known. In a scrap of a 
Royalist letter of intelligence, dated December 31, and 
preserved in the State Papers, the writer says, " The Jews, 
we hear, will be admitted by way of connivancy, though 
the generality oppose." ^ The secret arrangement with 
regard to divine worship was also soon bruited abroad. In 
a despatch dated January 28, 1656, Salvetti, the diplomatic 
agent of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, informed his master 
that " the affair of the Jews continues in the state I have 
already described ; meanwhile they may meet privately in 
their houses, but they have not yet established a syna- 
gogue."* In a later despatch (February 4) he confirms 

' Graetz, Geschichte derjuden, vol. x. p. 122. 

2 Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1655-56, p. 82. 

3 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 27962. In a despatch dated January 14, Salvetti 
refers to the Jewish question, but makes no mention of the arrangement 
respecting divine worship. On the same date, too, the well-informed Dutch 



this information and amplifies it. "It is thought," he 
writes, " that the Protector will not make any declaration in 
their favour, but tacitly he will connive at their holding 
private conventicles, which they already do, in their houses 
in order to avoid public scandal." ^ 

From the Royalist spies and the diplomatists the news 
was quickly conveyed to the anti-Semites in the City. 
Although the dangers of a Jewish immigration en masse 
and the scandal of a public synagogue had been averted, 
the enemies of the Jews — especially their competitors in 
trade — were not inclined to acquiesce without a struggle in 
the tacit toleration of even a small community of Hebrew 
merchants. But what could be done } As Jews the posi- 
tion of the intruders was legal, and any attempt to perse- 
cute them in that capacity would probably be resented in a 
disagreeable fashion by the masterful Protector. Moreover, 
as the most serious evils of the Jewish problem had been 
provided against, and the public mind was preoccupied 
with the war with Spain, it might be difficult to enlist 
a large measure of support in an agitation against the 
strangers. An opportunity for showing their teeth soon 
presented itself to the City merchants, and they were not 
slow to avail themselves of it. 

Early in March 1656 a proclamation was issued by the 
Privy Council declaring all Spanish monies, merchandise, 
and shipping to be lawful prize. The ink of this docu- 
ment was scarcely dry — indeed it had not been formally 
published — when, on the denunciation of an informer, the 
house of Don Antonio Rodrigues Robles, a wealthy 
Spanish merchant and Marrano of Duke's Place, City, was 
entered by bailifFs armed with a Privy Council warrant 
instructing them to "seize, secure, and keep under safe 

ambassador, Nieupoort, informed the States-General that it was generally 
understood that the Lord Protector would take no further steps (Thurloe 
State Papers, vol. iv. p. 328). It would seem, then, that the transaction 
took place between the 14th and the 28th January. 
> Ibid. 



custody all the goods and papers therein found." On the 
same day the Commissioners of Customs, acting under a 
similar warrant, took possession of two ships in the Thames, 
the Two Brothers and the Tobias, which were believed 
to be Robles's property.^ On the face of it, this action 
seemed to have no connection with the Jewish question. 
The fact that the information on which the warrants were 
based was presented to the Council by so staunch a friend 
of the Jews as Thurloe suffices to show that its Jewish 
bearing was at first quite unsuspected. It was apparently 
the private enterprise of a perfidious scrivener named 
Francis Knevett, who, after obtaining the confidence of 
several members of the Marrano community in his profes- 
sional capacity, had discovered that under the new procla- 
mation he might betray them with advantage to himself.' 
This seems also to have been the view of Robles, for in 
a petition he immediately addressed to the Protector he 
disputed the validity of the seizures on the purely legal 
ground that he was a Portuguese and not a Spaniard, and 
that his rights as a Merchant Stranger, which were con- 
sequently unaffected by the war with Spain, had been 
unjustly invaded.^ On this point the Council, to whom the 
petition was referred, ordered an inquiry, and one of its 
members. Colonel Jones, was deputed to take evidence. 

Meanwhile some suspicion that the case was aimed at the 
newly acquired privileges of the Marranos seems to have got 
abroad. Many of the Jews in London were of Spanish 
birth, and others, though natives of Portugal, were probably 
endenizened Spaniards, since in their guise of Nuevos 
Cristianos they had held high office under the King of Spain.* 
It was clear, then, that if the case against Robles was estab- 
lished other prosecutions would follow, and in that way the 

' State Papers, Domestic. Interregnum, cxxv., No. 38, i. 76, p. 604 ; 
i. 1 12, p. 289 ; cxxvi., No. 105. 
' Ibid., cxxvi.. No. 105, iv. 
' Ibi<L, cxxvi., No. 105. 
♦ Trans. J<r,v. Hist. Sec, vol. i. p. 63. 



small Jewish community would be broken up. The danger 
was all the greater since the protection and privileges so re- 
cently acquired by the Jews had only been granted verbally, 
and might easily be repudiated if public opinion proved too 
strong for the Protector. There was, however, no imme- 
diate reason why the leading Marranos, who had hitherto 
been in negotiation with Cromwell, should take up Robles's 
cudgels, for he belonged to a party in the Synagogue which 
had imbibed strong Royalist sympathies in Holland and 
France, and which, consequently, had kept itself aloof from 
Menasseh's Readmission campaign. They accordingly con- 
fined themselves to the presentation of a petition to the 
Protector, in which they asked that the " favours and pro- 
tection " accorded to them, including the right of worship, 
might be confirmed in writing. At the same time they 
prayed for a license to acquire ground for a Jewish cemetery. 
This document was signed by Menasseh ben Israel, Antonio 
Fernandez Carvajal, and five other Marranos, but Robles 
was not among it signatories.^ 

Cromwell at once referred this petition to the Council, 
but the Lord President, apparently recognising that the 
Jewish question was coming up in a new form, held it 
back until the Robles case had been dealt with.^ The 
fact that Robles was a Jew had, indeed, already been 
ascertained, and the belief that the prosecution was 
aimed at all his co-religionists was gaining ground owing 
to a new outburst of activity on the part of the anti- 
Semites. The anxiety of the Marranos at the shelving 
of their petition became accentuated by this agitation, 
and especially by the doubts which it seemed to be pro- 
ducing in the minds of some of their best friends. The 
wavering feeling in high places was made disagreeably 
manifest to them by a letter addressed to Menasseh ben 
Israel by John Sadler, in which that friend of the Jews 

' State Papers, Dom. Interregnum, cxxv., 58. Infra, p. Ixxxv. 
2 See endorsement of the petition. Infra, p. Ixxxvi. 



pointed out that the charges of ritual murder and quasi 
idolatry preferred by Prynne and Ross were being widely 
discussed, and that a public answer to them was urgently 
necessary.^ Before Menasseh's reply was written Colonel 
Jones presented an interim report to the Council, from 
which it appeared inter alia that Knevett had filed a further 
information denouncing other Marranos as Spanish subjects.^ 
It was now no longer possible to ignore the existence of 
an anti-Jewish conspiracy. The first action of the Jews was 
to hurry forward the publication of Menasseh's reply to 
Prynne and Ross. This took the form of the famous 
Vindicits fudaorum — the third tract printed in the present 
volume. It was described merely as "A Letter in Answer 
to certain Questions propounded by a Noble and Learned 
Gentleman touching the reproaches cast on the Nation of 
the Jewes." The date of its appearance, however, fixes its 
relation to the Robles crisis, for it was published ten days 
after Colonel Jones's report, while the seriousness of that 
crisis is strikingly illustrated by the urgent and earnest tone 
of the pamphlet. Menasseh evidently felt that not only 
his own grandiose idea of a new asylum for Israel was at 
stake, but that even the small progress that had been 
achieved towards that end was threatened by a more rigid 
exclusion of the Hebrew nation. He threw his whole 
soul into this fresh vindication of his people and their 
claims. Nothing, indeed, that had come from his facile 
pen had been more dignified, more impressive, more con- 
vincing. The vanity, the superficiality, the pretentious 
mysticism of his former works had gone. He was no 
longer playing a part even to himself. He was merely 

' Infra, p. 107. The h^TJOthesis that John Sadler was the author of the 
letter which gave rise to the ViTidicia Judaorum is based on the facts that 
he was at the time the go-between in the negotiations with Cromwell, that 
he was an intimate friend of Menasseh, and that he had already given some 
thought to the blood accusation and other charges against the Jews (" Rights 
of the Kingdom," p. 74). 

2 State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 77, April i, 1656 ; cxxvi., No. 105, xi. 



the champion of his people in a moment of their sore 
trial, writing from a heart whose every throb was for 
their welfare and their honour. The simple eloquence of 
this essay, its naive garrulousness, the glimpses it yields of 
a pious, gentle, self-denying character, made it one of the 
most effective vindications of the Jews ever written. The 
best tribute to its value is afforded by the fact that it has 
since been frequently reprinted in all parts of Europe when 
the calumnies it denounced have been revived. 

The Vindicite Judaorum was a fitting prelude to the 
denouement that followed. With this certificate in their 
hands the Marranos felt that they might risk claiming their 
legal rights as Jews, and thus at once repudiate their Spanish 
nationality and challenge a settlement of their status in the 
country. The decision was a bold one, but there was shrewd 
method in its apparent rashness. If the Marranos were 
technically Spanish subjects, they were in reality testimonies 
to the intolerance of Spain which made that country, in 
Cromwell's words, " the natural, the providential enemy of 
England," ^ and which was one of the grounds of the war. 
Like the Protestant traders whose liberty of conscience had 
been trampled on in Spain they also had been persecuted, 
though in a worse form. They were fugitives from the 
Inquisition, and consequently had a peculiar claim on the 
indulgence and consistency of the English people, who at 
that moment were filled with righteous horror at the reli- 
gious policy of the " Popish enemy." 

In pursuance of this idea Robles now addressed a fresh 
petition to the Protector, which reached the Council of State 
on the 15th April," five days after the publication of the 
Vindicia. In this document the purely legal question of 
nationality was dropped, and Robles confined himself to 
reciting how he and his kindred had been persecuted by the 
Inquisition in Portugal and Spain, how his father had died 

' Carlyle, " Cromwell's Letters and Speeches," vol. ii. p. 161. 
2 State Papers, Dom. Inter., cxxvi., No. 105, i. ; i. 77, No. 11. 



under torture, how his mother had been crippled for life, 
and other members of his family burnt or sent to the galleys 
because they were Jews. He related that he had sought 
refuge in England, " intending therein to shelter himselfe 
from those tiranicall Proceedings and injoy those Beneffitts 
and Kindnesse which this Comonw'*' ever aforded to aflicted 
strangers." He appealed to Cromwell's notorious sym- 
pathy for " afflicted ones," and especially " owr nation the 
Jews," and skilfully suggested that a continuance of his 
prosecution would be tantamount to the introduction of the 
Inquisition into England. A week later affidavits confirm- 
ing the statements in this petition were signed by all the 
leading Marranos and handed to Colonel Jones.-^ Thus the 
Crypto-Jews threw ofF their disguise. In the investiga- 
tions which followed, the existence of over twenty Jewish 
families in London was revealed, and it was given in 
evidence that many of them had resided for years in the 

These tactics produced dismay in the ranks of the anti- 
Semites. Knevett made a last despairing effort to con- 
struct a fresh case against the Jews by trying to bribe 
Robles's servants to assist him in framing a new informa- 
tion. In this he failed.^ The case was now quickly dis- 
posed of. On April 25 th the Council of State, still anxious 
to avoid responsibility for a decision, sent all the papers to 
the Admiralty Commissioners, with a request for a prompt 
report. On May nth the Commissioners summoned the 
witnesses before them, but extracted little else from them 
than that Robles was believed to be Portuguese, and that 
they were all victims of the Inquisition. On May 1 4th the 
Commissioners reported that they were unable to give a 
definite opinion on the question of nationality. Two days 
later the Council screwed up their courage to a decision, 

' State Papers, Dom. Inter., cxxvi., No. 105, ii. and iii. Most of the 
documents in the Robles case have been printed as an appendix to my paper 
on "Crypto-Jews under the Commonwealth" (Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. 
pp. 76-86). ^ Jl>i(f., cxxvi.. No. 105, vi. 

Ixv / 


and, without giving any reasons, ordered all the warrants to 
be discharged, and reinstated Robles in the possession of his 
goods, premises, and ships.^ 

The Jewish battle was won, and nothing now remained 
but to secure the fruits of victory in an inexpugnable form. 
What followed is, in detail, a matter of conjecture, but 
the broad lines of the settlement we know from the 
petition of the Corporation of the City of London, already 
quoted. Rights of " cohabitation and trade in these 
dominions" were formally accorded to the Jews in writing.^ 
That this happened before the end of 1656 we may 
gather from a statement of Cromwell's intimate friend, 
Samuel Richardson, who, in his " Plain Dealing," pub- 
lished in that year, says of the Protector, " He hath 
owned the poor despised people of God, and advanced many 
of them to a better way and means of living." ^ The first 
steps were probably taken on the 26th June, when the long- 
deferred petition of the Marranos for a license to acquire a 
burial-ground and for a confirmation in writing of their 
rights of residence and worship came up for consideration.* 
The Council, still reluctant to engage their responsibility, 
made no entry of the discussion in their Order Book, and 
it was probably arranged that Cromwell should personally 
confirm the Jewish right of residence, subject to an under- 
standing that the spirit of the recommendations presented 
to the Council after the Whitehall Conferences should be 

' State Papers, Dom. Inter., i. 77, pp. 44, 78; cxxvii., 21,40; i. 77, No. 19. 

^ There is a tradition in the synagogues that written privileges were 
granted, and this conforms with all the other evidence relating to the cam- 
paign. The disappearance of these documents is not surprising, as many of 
the older documents belonging to the Sephardi congregation in London 
passed into private hands. Moreover, after the Restoration the congrega- 
tions would naturally wish to destroy all evidence of their negotiations with 
the Protector. It is probable that these documents are referred to in the 
State Papers, where mention is made of " a Jew living in London who has 
produced great testimonies under the hand of the late Lord Protector." 
(Cal. State Papers, Dom., 1659-60, p. 291.) 

2 "Tracts on Liberty of Conscience " (Hanserd Knollys Soc), p. 240. 

* See Endorsement of Petition, infra, p. Ixxxvi. 



observed. The right to acquire a cemetery was certainly 
granted. Cromwell probably further engaged himself to 
instruct the London city authorities to place no impedi- 
ments in the way of the Jews trading on an equality with 
other citizens.^ On their side, the Marranos must have 4r~ 
agreed not to assist in an indiscriminate immigration of their 
co-religionists, not to obtrude their worship and ceremonies 
on the public, not to engage in religious controversy, and 
not to make converts.^ The restriction with regard to wor- 
shipping in private houses was also probably revised, and 
the maintenance of a synagogue, subject to the other con- 
ditions, sanctioned.^ In February 1657 Antonio de 
Carvajal and another leading Marrano, Simon de Caceres, 
signed the lease for a Jewish cemetery in Mile End.* 
Shortly afterwards another result of the settlement was 
made public. Solomon Dormido, a son of David Abar- 
banel Dormido and nephew of Menasseh ben Israel, was 
admitted to the Royal Exchange as a duly licensed broker 
of the City of London, the authorities waiving in his 
favour the Christological oath essential to the induction 
of all brokers.' As wholesale trading in the City was 

' A similar course had been taken with regard to Protestant refugees in 
the city on November 13, 1655. (Guildhall Archives : Rep. Ixiv. fol. S''.) 

^ Some of these restrictions are clearly indicated by Menasseh's disap- 
pointment at the settlement. The prohibition of proselytising has always 
been remembered as one of the conditions of the Readmission, and it was 
religiously observed until the Rabbinate of the present ecclesiastical chief of 
the Anglo-Jewish community. In 1752, when certain Ashkenazi Jews were 
making proselytes in London, the Parnassim of the Portuguese synagogue 
wrote to the authorities of the German congregation, calling their attention 
to this condition, and the proselytisers were ordered to desist from "pur- 
suing such unlawful practices." In 1760 a Jew was expelled from the 
synagogue and deprived of his burial rights for this offence. (Minute Books 
of the Duke's Place Synagogue, 1752, 1760.) 

3 Violet, "The Petition Against the Jews" (1661), p. 2: "Cromwell 
and his Council did give a toleration and dispensation to a great number of 
Jews to come and live here in London, and to this day they do keep public 
■worship in the City of London, to the great dishonour of Christianity and 
public scandal of the true Protestant religion." 

* Abstract of lease in Jewish Chronicle, November 26, i8£o, comm.uni- 
cated by Mr. Israel Davis. 

* Guildhall Archives, Rep. Ixxiii. fol. 213. 



transacted exclusively through brokers, the admission of a 
Jew to that limited fraternity is a substantial proof of the 
acquisition of untrammelled trading rights by the new 

The victory, it will be observed, secured to the local 
Marranos all they required, and in a measure realised the 
aims of Cromwell's own policy. To Menasseh ben Israel, 
however, it was no victory : it was a compromise of a 
purely selfish nature, which left his idea of a proclamation 
of a free asylum to the persecuted and scattered remnants 
of Israel as remote as ever. We may be certain that he did 
not hide his grief or his indignation. There is indeed 
abundant reason for believing that he quarrelled over it 
with the new Jewish community. His hopes of returning 
to his old position in Amsterdam were shattered, for the 
Dutch Jews, who had always shared the Stuart sympathies 
of their Christian compatriots, had formally abandoned 
him when they found they had nothing to gain from his 
mission, and had opened negotiations on their own behalf 
with the exiled king at Bruges.^ He might, perhaps, have 
secured his future by becoming Rabbi of the London com- 
munity had he been content to abide by the terms of the 
new settlement. This, however, he sturdily refused, and 
although he was deserted by all his friends, and his monetary 
resources were exhausted, he continued from his lodging in 
the Strand to urge on Cromwell the issue of the proclama- 
tion on which he had set his heart. 

That he must have quarrelled with the London Mar- 
ranos immediately after the settlement is shown by a letter 
he addressed to Cromwell towards the end of 1656, in 
which he asked for pecuniary help, and stated that he (the 
Protector) was "the alone succourer of my life in this land 
of strangers."^ Cromwell responded with a gift of ;!{^25, 

' Menasseh had assured Nieupoort that he did "not desire anything for 
the Jews in Holland" (Thurloe, iv. p. 333). The negotiations with Charles 
II. are recorded in Brit. i\Ius. Add. MSS. 4106, fol. 253. 

'' Infra, p. lxxx%'i. 



and in the following March granted him a pension of ;^ioo 
a year, dating from February, and payable quarterly.^ Un- 
fortunately this pension was never paid, and Menasseh be- 
came overwhelmed with cares.^ Nevertheless, for six months 
longer he doggedly pursued his mission. In September 
1657 his only surviving son, Samuel ben Israel, who had 
remained with him in England, died.^ Then his spirit 
broke. Begging a few pounds from the Protector* he 
turned his steps homewards, carrying with him the corpse 
of his son. 

A broken and beggared man he met his family at 
Middelburg, in Zeeland. He was now bent with pre- 
mature age. The comely, good-tempered face, with its 
quizzing eyes and dandyish moustache, so familiar to 
us in Rembrandt's etching, had become hollow-cheeked 
and hollow-eyed. From the crow's-feet under the temples 
the whiskers had grown wildly until they formed a white 
patriarchal beard.* It was the wintering touch of the 
hand of death. Two months later Menasseh died of a 
broken heart at the house of his brother-in-law, Ephraim 
Abarbanel, in the fifty-third year of his age.^ 

VI. The Real "Vindici^" 

One more question remains to be elucidated. How 
did the seemingly precarious settlement of the London 
Jews manage to survive the wreck of the Commonwealth .-' 

Both Menasseh and Cromwell had builded more solidly 
than they knew. If the solution of the Jewish question 
arrived at towards the end of 1656 was not wholly satis- 

1 Hist. MSS. Com. Rep., viii. pp. 94-95. Fifth Rep. of Dep. Keeper of 
Public Records, App. ii. p. 253. 

^ Infra, p. Ixxxviii. 

•* Ibid., p. Ixxxvii. 

* Ibid. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep., viii. p. 95. 

^ Compare frontispiece with portrait at p. 105. 

^ Kayserling, " Menasseh ben Israel." (Misc. of Hebrew Literature, 
Series ii. pp. 68, 93.) 



factory, it was precisely in that fact that its real strength 

lay. Experimental compromise is the law of English 

political progress. From the strife of wills represented 

in its extremer forms by Cromwell's lofty conception of 

religious liberty on the one hand, and by the intolerance 

of the sectaries on the other, had emerged a compromise 

which conformed to this law, and which consequently made 

the final solution of the question an integral part of English 

^.political evolution. The great merit of the settlement was 

that while it disturbed little, it gave the Jews a future in 

' the country on the condition that they were fitted to 

^possess it. 

The fact that in its initial stage it disturbed so little 
rendered it easy for Charles II. to connive at it. Had 
Menasseh ben Israel's idea been realised in its entirety, the 
task of the restored Monarchy would have been more diffi- 
cult. London would have been overrun by destitute Polish 
and Bohemian Jews driven westward by persecution, some 
fanaticised by their sufferings, others plying the parasitic 
trades into which commercial and industrial disabilities 
had driven the denizens of the Central European Jewries.^ 
Many of them would have become identified with the wild 
Judaical sectaries who were the bitterest enemies of the 
Stuarts, while the others would have given new life to 
the tradition of Jewish usury, which for nearly four hun- 
dred years had been only an historical reminiscence in the 
country. Under these circumstances, we can well conceive 
that a re-expulsion of the Jews might have been one of the 
first tasks of the Restoration. 

From this calamity England and the Jews were saved 
by the restricted character of the compromise of 1656. 
When the Commonwealth fell to pieces the Jewish com- 
munity of London consisted only of some forty or fifty 
families of wealthy and enterprising merchants, scarcely 

• For the condition of the Ashkenazi Jews at this epoch see Graetz's 
Geschichte, vol. x. pp. 52-82. 



distinguishable in their bearing and mode of life from the 
best kinds of merchant-strangers hailing from Amsterdam, 
Bordeaux, Lisbon, Cadiz, and Leghorn. 

Nevertheless, efforts to procure their expulsion were 
not wanting. Royalists who recognised in them a relic 
of the hated Commonwealth, merchants whose restricted 
economic science resented their activity and success, and 
informers who imagined that their toleration was a viola- 
tion of English law, set to work early to denounce them. 
These manoeuvres began, indeed, as soon as the breath was 
out of Cromwell's body. Only a few weeks after the 
Protector's death a petition was presented to Richard 
Cromwell demanding the expulsion of the Jews and the 
confiscation of their property.^ At the same time, Thomas 
Violet, the notorious informer and pamphleteer, made a 
collection of documents bearing on the illegality of the 
Jewish settlement, which he submitted to Mr. Justice 
Tyril, together with an application that the law should 
be set in motion against the intrusive community. The 
worthy Justice shrewdly suggested to Mr. Violet that in 
the then confused political situation he would do well to 
take no action. It would, he opined, be only prudent to 
await the establishment of a stable Government before 
moving in so serious a matter. 

A few months later Charles II. re-entered London, and 
the Commonwealth was at an end. Naturally, everybody 
looked to the new regime to redress the particular grievance 
or grievances he harboured against "the late execrable 
Usurper," and the anti-Jewish party was particularly prompt 
in its representations under this head. Scarcely had CHarles 
arrived in the Metropolis when the Lord Mayor and Alder- 
men of the City of London presented to him a humble 
petition, bitterly complaining of the action of Cromwell in 
permitting the Jews to re-enter the land, and asking the 

1 [Richard Baker], "The Marchants Humble Petition and Remon- 
strance" (London, 1659), p. 17. 



King "to cause the former laws made against the Jews to 
be put in execution, and to recommend to your two Houses 
of Parliament to enact such new ones for the expulsion of 
all professed Jews out of your Majesty's dominions, and to 
bar the door after them with such provisions and penalties, 
as in your Majesty's wisdom should be found most agree- 
able to the benefits of religion, the honour of your Majesty, 
and the good and welfare of your subjects." ^ The long 
pent-up wrath of the City found full expression in this 
petition, which must be read in its entirety to be appreci- 
ated. Thomas Violet followed with another petition, which 
was equally violent.^ He declared that by law it was a 
felony for any Jew to be found in England. He did not, 
however, propose their expulsion, as he did not think that 
would be the best way of turning them to profitable 
account. His suggestion was in the first place that all 
their estates and properties should be confiscated, and then 
that they should be cast into prison and kept there until 
ransomed by their wealthy brethren abroad. A third peti- 
tion, dated November 30, 1660, is preserved among the 
Domestic State Papers, but the names of the authors are 
not given. It runs very much on the lines of the City 
petition, but it admits the hypothesis of Jews residing in 
England under license, provided they were heavily taxed.^ 

No direct reply to any of these petitions is recorded. 
The views of the new Government are, however, no mystery. 
In the first place, there was no real Jewish question in the 
country, inasmuch as the Jews were very few, their character 
was above reproach, and the practice of their religion was 
conducted with so much tact and prudence that it was 
impossible in sober truth to be moved by Violet's impas- 
sioned complaint of " a great dishonour of Christianity and 
public scandal of the true Protestant religion." * Conse- 

■ Guildhall Archives : Remembrancia, vol. ix. No. 44, pp. 1-18. 
^ Violet, "A Petition against the Jews" (London, 1661). 
^ State Papers, Dom., Charles II., vol. xxi. p. 140. /> ■ "ii^ 
* " Petition," p. 2. — ' 



quently the Government were free to consider the question 
exclusively from the point of view of secular politics. 
Once regarded in this light the conclusion could not be 
long in doubt. Cromwell's maritime and commercial 
policy had been adopted by the statesmen of the Restora- 
tion, and the success of this policy — represented by the 
re-enacted Navigation Act — depended to no inconsiderable 
extent on toleration of the Jews. 

Moreover, Charles was under personal obligations to the 
Jews, and had assured them of his protection even before 
he came by his own. The Jews of Amsterdam, and some 
of the wealthier Jews in London, had assisted him during 
his exile, especially the great family of Mendez da Costa 
and Augustin Coronel, the agent for Portugal and a personal 
friend of Monk.^ Shortly after the mission of Menasseh 
ben Israel to Cromwell these Jews had approached Charles II. 
at Bruges and had assured him that they had neither assisted 
nor approved the Rabbi's negotiations. Thereupon General 
Middleton had been instructed to treat with them for their 
support to the Royalist cause, and Charles had promised 
that " they shall find when God shall restore his Majesty 
that he would extend that protection to them which they 
could reasonably expect, and abate that rigour of the law 
which was against them in his several dominions." ^ That 
these negotiations were not without practical result is beyond 
question, for the Da Costas and Coronels, as well as several 
other Jewish families, were exceedingly active on Charles's 
behalf during the last few years of the Commonwealth. 

It must not be imagined that this Royalist activity repre- 
sented any double-dealing on the part of the Jews. Those 
who, like Carvajal and De Caceres, had fled direct from 
the Inquisition to England, were faithful to Cromwell to 
the end. The Royalist Jews were men who had acquired 
their Cavalier sympathies in France and Holland, and shared 

' Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. pp. 71, 74-75- 
2 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS_._4lo6, f. 253. 

Ixxiii k 


them with their Christian fellow-citizens in those countries. 
None of them were parties to the negotiations with Crom- 
well in 1655-56, and none had ever affected Puritan 
sympathies. They probably had conscientious objections 
to Republicanism, for they were of the aristocratic Sephardi 
branch of Israel, with some of the bluest blood of Spain in 
their veins and immense wealth in their strong-boxes. Their 
dissent from their Puritan brethren was an early illustration 
of the falsity of the hypothesis of Jewish political solidarity, 
which is to this day a cherished delusion of the anti-Semites. 

Charles II. did not confine himself to ignoring the anti- 
Semitic petitions. Having made up his mind that the Jews 
should be protected, he sought, like Cromwell, to throw the 
responsibility for his decision on the Constitutional Govern- 
ment. Before the end of 1660 an Order of the Lords in 
Council was sent to the House of Commons, recommending 
that measures should be taken for the protection of the 
Jews.^ There is no record of any such measures having 
been adopted. It was probably felt that the most conveni- 
ent course to pursue was to continue the policy of personal 
connivance inaugurated by Cromwell, as by that means men's 
minds would be least disturbed, and an experiment which was 
likely to produce good results would not be hampered. More- 
over, should the experiment fail, it would be all the easier to 
deal with it if it had not received any legislative sanction. 

Accordingly, the Jews passed from the personal protec- 
tion of Cromwell to that of Charles. In 1664, when an 
attempt was made by the Earl of Berkshire and Mr. Ricaut 
to obtain their expulsion, the King in Council disavowed 
the scheme, and assured the Jews " that they may promise 
themselves the effects of the same favour as formerly they 
have had so long as they demean themselves peaceably an,d 
quietly with due obedience to his Majesty's laws and with- 
out scandal to his Government.^ A similar course was 

1 Journal of the House of Commons, December 17, 1660. 
^ State Papers, Dom., Chas. II., Entry Book xviii. (1664), fol. 79. 



taken by the Privy Council in 1673 and 1685, when 
attempts were made by informers to prosecute the Jews for 
the exercise of their religion.^ i^inally the King marked his 
personal gratitude to the Jews by knighting Coronel soon 
after the Restoration, and by a generous distribution of 
patents of denization among the members of the Synagogue.^ 

Thus the Cromwellian settlement was confirmed, and 
the path was definitely opened by which the Jews might 
win their way to the citizenship of the United Kingdom. 

How that path was successfully trodden is a story which 
caunot be told in detail here. Its main feature, how- 
ever, must be briefly referred to, for it supplies the justi- 
fication for the campaign which Menasseh ben Israel 
and Oliver Cromwell waged so gallantly on behalf of the 
Hebrew people in the first half of the seventeenth century. 

The Jews won their way to English citizenship not 
because they remained the servi camera, which had been 
their status under the Norman and Angevin kings, and 
which they had practically resumed under the Protectorate 
and the Restoration, but because they literally realised the 
portraiture of the Hebrew citizen which Menasseh ben 
Israel vainly placed before the British nation in 1655 in 
his tract, De Fidelitate et utilitate Judaic^ Gentis. In this 
way they gradually substituted for the personal protection 
of the Crown the sympathy and confidence of the nation. 

Their old enemies in the City of London were their 
first converts. The wealth they brought into the country, 
and their fruitful commercial activity, especially in the 
colonial trade, soon revealed them as an indispensable 
element of the prosperity of the City.^ As early as 1668 
Sir Josiah Child, the millionaire governor of the East 

' The text of these orders in Council has been printed by Webb, " The 
Question whether a Jew may hold Lands" (Lond., 1753), PP- 38-4°- 

* Some of these patents are printed by Webb in an appendix to " The 
Question," pp. 17-19. For Coronel's knighthood see Le Neve's " Pedigrees 
of Knights," Harl. Soc. Pub. (1869). 

^ Wolf, "Jewish Emancipation in the City" (Je-u: CJirot!., November 30, 



India Company, pleaded for their naturalisation on the 
score of their commercial utility.-' For the same reason 
the City found itself compelled at first to connive 
at their illegal representation on 'Change, and then to 
violate its own rules by permitting them to act as brokers 
without previously taking up the Freedom.^ At this period 
they controlled more of the foreign and colonial trade than 
all the other alien merchants in London put together. The 
momentum of their commercial enterprise and stalwart 
patriotism proved irresistible. From the Exchange to the 
City Council Chamber, thence to the Aldermanic Court, 
and' eventually to the Mayoralty itself, were inevitable 
stages of an emancipation to which their large interests 
in the City and their high character entitled them. Finally 
the City of London — not only as the converted champion 
of religious liberty but as the convinced apologist of the 
Jews — sent Baron Lionel de Rothschild to knock at the 
doors of the unconverted House of Commons as parlia- 
mentary representative of the first city in the world. 

Jewish emancipation in England was, in short, the work 
of the English democracy — almost of the same democracy 
which in the thirteenth century had spued the Hebrews 
forth, when their kingly protectors had made their residence 
in the land conditional on their acting as the usurious instru- 
ments of the Royal Exchequer, and which in the seventeenth 
had resented their readmission under the influence of deeply 
rooted prejudices, inherited from that dark age. It was no 
mere homage to the abstract principle of Religious Liberty 
like the emancipations on the Continent which, in the name 
of the Rights of Man, suddenly called forth the oppressed 
Jews from their Ghettos and bade them take up a new life, 
from which they were sundered by centuries of mediaeval 
seclusion. Religious Liberty in England broadened on 
more cautious lines. Dissenters, Roman Catholics, and 

1 Child, "A New Discourse of Trade" (Lond., 1668), p. 5. 
^ Wolf, "Jewish Emancipation," loc. cit. 


Jews have each been taken into the bosom of the nation 
by separate legislative action, and as the result of practical 
demonstrations of the futility, nay, the disadvantage, of their 
exclusion. The gradual emancipation of the English Jews, 
first socially and then in the municipalities, enabled them 
to show that their civic qualities entitled them to the fullest 
rights of citizenship ; and it was the realisation of this 
fact — not by statesmen or philosophers, but by their neigh- 
bours and fellow-citizens themselves — that eventually gave 
them the position they now enjoy. 

The story of Jewish emancipation in England is the true 
Vindici^ Judteorum — the avenging of Menasseh's broken 
heart and the vindication of his touching trust in his 
people. It is something more. It is one of many justi- 
fications of that fine conception of statecraft, deeply 
rooted in infinite sympathy with human freedom, which 
is the secret of Britain's greatness, and of which Oliver 
Cromwell must ever be regarded as the typical exponent 
in English history. 

VII. Documents 

The following is a selection of the documents referred 
to in the foregoing narrative. They have been selected 
chiefly on account of their personal bearing on Menasseh's 
efforts : — 

I. Fragment of a letter from Menasseh ben Israel to an 
unknown correspondent in London (Harl. Miscel., vol. vii. 
p. 623). The original was probably in French or Latin : — 

"Amsterdam, September 5407 [1647 J. 

" Sen/ior, no pueda enar ! that is, sir, I cannot express the joy that 
I have when I read your letters, full of desires to see your country 
prosperous, which is heavily afflicted w^ith civil wars, without doubt 
by the just judgment of God. And it should not be in vain to 
attribute it to the punishment of your predecessor's faults, committed 
against ours ; when ours being deprived of their liberty under deceit- 



fulness, so many men were slain only because they kept close under 
the tenets of Moses, their legislator." 

2. Abstract of a letter relating to the " Hope of Israel " 
from Menasseh ben Israel to John Dury (Thorowgood, 
"Jews in America," 1650, p. xvii). The original seems 
to have been in French : — 

"Amsterdam, November 25, [1649]. 

" By the occasion of the questions you propose unto me concern- 
ing this adjoyned Narrative of Mr. Antonio Montezinos, I, to give 
you satisfaction, have written instead of a Letter a Treatise, which 
I shortly will publish & whereof you shall receive so many copies 
as you desire. In this Treatise I handle of the first inhabitants of 
America which I believe were of the ten Tribes ; moreover that 
they are scattered also in other Countries, & that they keep their 
true Religion, as hoping to returne againe into the Holy Land in 
due time." 

3. Portion of a letter on the same subject from Menasseh 
ben Israel to John Dury (Thorowgood, ibid.). Like the 
foregoing, the original was in French : — 

"Amsterdam, December 23, 1649. 

" [In my Treatise] I declare how that our Israelites were the first 
finders out of America ; not regarding the opinions of other men, 
which I thought good to refute in few words onely ; and I thinke 
that the ten Tribes live not onely there, but also in other lands 
scattered every where ; these never did come backe to the second 
Temple, & they keep till this day still the Jewish Religion, seeing 
all the Prophecies which speake of their bringing backe unto their 
native soile must be fulfilled : So then at their appointed time, all 
the Tribes shall meet from all the parts of the world into two pro- 
vinces, namely Assyria and Egypt, nor shall their kingdome be any 
more divided, but they shall have one Prince the Messiah the Sonne 
of David. I do also set forth the Inquisition of Spaine, and rehearse 
diuers of our Nation, & also of Christians, Martyrs, who in our 
times have suffered seuerall sorts of torments, & then having 
shewed with what great honours our Jews have been graced also by 
severall Princes who professe Christianity. I proue at large, that 
the day of the promised Messiah unto us doth draw neer, upon 
which occasion I explaine many Prophecies." 



4. Letter from Menasseh ben Israel to Paul Felgenhauer 
{Bonum Nuncium Israeli, pp. 87 f/ seq.) :— 

" D. Paulo Felgenhauer, 

Salutem & Benedictionem, k 
Deo Israelis reprecatur, 
Menasseh Ben Israel. 

" Bonum istud, in novissimis & afflictissimis hisce temporibus 
populo Israeli a te, Vir spectatissime, allatum Nuncium, tan to fuit 
animo meo gratius, quo, post tot seculorum aerumnas & tarn diu 
protractas spes nostras, flagrantius idipsum exoptare non desino ; 
modo prse rei magnitudine verbis tuis fides constare possit. Siccine, 
Bonarum rerum Nuncie bone, in procinctune jam est, ut adveniat 
Deus noster, Miserator Nostrum, utque nobis Desiderium tot secu- 
lorum, Messiam caput nostrum, tarn brevi sit missurus r Siccine 
tempus illud imminere ais, quo Deus ; hactenus oiFensus & aversus 
a nobis, iterum Populum suum consolabitur, & redimet non solum 
^ Captivitate hac plusquam BabylonicS, k servitute plusquam 
j^^gyptiaci in qua jam elanguit prs morS, sed & ab iniquitatibus 
suis, in quibus quasi consumptus est ! Vtinam tarn Verum esset, 
quam Bonum Nuncium tuum, tibique, tarn Credere possem quam 
vellem ! Utcunque quae ad gaudii nostri confirmationem ex scriptis 
Propheticis Signa adfers Adventus Messiae (ut fatear quod res est) 
lubens amplector ; & quo plus animo meo volvuntur ea, hoc magis 
spes mihi inde aliqua affulgere videtur. 

" Ad Primum quod attinet, apud nostros Rabbinos id signum in 
confesso est : quum enim necesse sit Imperia hujus mundi omnia 
corruere, antequam Regnum & Potestas & Magnitudo Regni detur 
Populo sanctorum Altissimi,cui omnes Reges servire & obedire oportet, 
inde non obscure sequitur, immediate ante adventum ilium Messise & 
Instaurationem Regni ipsius, magnas Conturbationes, Tumultus, sedi- 
tiones,intestina&crudelissimaBella,Regnorum& Populorum hinc inde 
devastationes praecedere debere ; Quires quod brevi sit eflFectum sorti- 
tura, ex prassenti Imperiorum Mundi facie vero baud dissimile videtur. 

" De Elia, secundo Adventus Messiae nostri signo, quod ais, non 
diffitemur, quin & gaudemus maxime, quod in eo nos Judsei cum 
selectissimis Christian! Nominis Viris, in unam eandemque sententiam 
concurrimus, fore ilium ex nostra Gente oriundum. Verum enim 
vero Elias ille cum nondum comparuerit nobis, eo usque saltem 
suspendatur spes nostra necesse est : adeo ut, donee ilium Deus nobis 
revelaverit, certi & indubitati quicquam de Messise Adventu statuere 
minus tuum videatur. 



" De Tcrtio isto Adventus Messias signo quod ais, nempe de hac 
Regni Israelis per totum Terrarum orbem praedicatione, id mihi non 
solum verisimile videtur, sed & tale quid jam in lucem prorumpere 
& efFectum sortiri baud obscure videmus : quin & Praedicatorem 
istorum baud contemnendus numerus mibi ipsi per literas innotuit, 
qui ex diversis mundi partibus ad consolandum Sionem prodierunt ; 
inter alios Viros Nobilitate & Doctrin^ insignes, qui ad manum 
jam sunt. En ex Silesia babemus Ahrahamum a Frankenberg, ex 
BorussiA Joh. Mochingerum, ex Gallia Autorem Libelli Gallico 
idiomate editi, Du rappel des Ju'ifs. Ex Anglia quos non ? Nuper 
auctoritate public^. Nathanael Homerius, SS. Tbeol. Doctor, librum 
in folio edidit anglico idiomate, de bac ipsa materii; & D. Henricus 
Jesse, nobis librum Belgico idiomate de Glorid Jehudte & Israelis ; 
publice dedicavit. Plures allegare possem, qui instar Nubeculae istius 
I Reg. 1 8 (quam Elias ascendentem de mari vidit, & subito in tantam 
molem excrevit ut totum Coeli expansum contegeret) Indies numero 
& virtute accrescunt, donee tandem totum Terrarum ambitum 
praedicatione sua sint completuri : Vt aute aliquod bajus rei specimen, 
ad testimonium tuum confirmandum tibi, mi Paule prebeam ; selegi 
tibi aliquot Virorum istorum ad me literas, quae jam prae manibus 
habebam, quas legere poteris, & mecum gaudere, de ijs qui dicunt 
nobis, Ibimus in domum Domini, stabunt adhuc pedes nostri in atriis 
tuis lerusalem ; qui ad cor lerusalem loquuntur, prsedicantes salutem 
& dicentes Sioni, Dens tuus Regnabit. 

" Sed praeter baec mitto quoque ad Te, Vir Doctissime, auto- 
graphum Panegyrici cujusdam quern meo Nomini inscripsit D. 
Immanuel Bocarus Frances y Rosales alias Jacobus Rosales tJebr^EUS, 
Mathematicus & Medicinae Doctor eximius, quern Imperator Nobi- 
litatis Insignibus & Comitis Palatini dignitate donavit ; idque e;l 
potissimum intentione mitto, ut videat Dominus exstare adhuc & 
discerni ad hunc usque diem surculos ex stirpe Davidici ortum 
ducentes. Denique ut desiderio tuo faciam satis, en quoque Cata- 
logum librorum, quos vel in lucem edidi jam, vel edendos penes me 
in parato habeo, sive Latino sive Hispanico idiomate. Hisce te 
Deo Patrum nostrorum ejusque gratiae & benignitati animitus com- 
mendo, Datum Amsterodami An. i655j die i Febr." 

5. Enclosures in the foregoing, being a letter from 
Nathaniel Holmes, with a postscript by Henry Jessey [Bonum 
Nuncium Israeli, pp. 103-106): — 

" Nunc sequitur Clarissimi Viri, Nathanaelis Hpmesii SS. Theol. 



Doctoris Anglici ad me Epistolium, datum 24 Decemb. An. 1649. 
cum Subscriptione Reverendi D. Henrici Jesse ei annexA. 

"Decemb. 24, 1649. 

"Animus mihi fuit, citius adte scribendi, Vir egregie, otium 
non fuit, Nee hodie ita mihi vacat, ut menti meae, tantisque tuis 
scriptis (quamvis expectatione paucioribus) satisfaciam. Nondum 
de loco decern Tribuum, ex tuis literis responsum accepi ; quod in 
meis desideratum fuit ; non astu, vel curiositate. Veritatem inse- 
quor, ne Impostores pro Ebraeis nobis obstrudantur. Scripsit quidam 
nuperime, Innodos Novas Angliae decem Tribubus esse prognatos. 
Alii Tartyros esse contendunt. Alii alios. Discrucior animi, ne 
fallar, usque dum literas tuae me fecerint certiorem. Delectari 
videris D. Nicolai Apologia. Spero (ne glorier) te plura (ne dicam 
majora) visurum, meo de Mille Annis prodeunte tractatu. Quod 
opus ita me tenet occupatum, ut meae ad te iturae morentur litera;. 
Martyres in tuis literis vox est ; quae, ni fallor, veteri Testamento 
baud innotuit. Verum sub Novo, viri celebres, Christum, ejusque 
Evangelium, ad mortem asserentes, primi illud nomen obtinuerunt. 
Facile tamen concede, quoslibet veritatis alicujus testes, Martyres 
Graece dictos fuisse. Sed (parcatur nostrae libertati Conscientiae, quam 
lubentissime tibi inter scribendum indulsero) nee pontificii jam post 
Concilium Tridentinum ullatenus habeantur propria Christiani : nee 
Martyrium esse mihi videatur, pro hodiern^ Legis Mosaicx observa- 
tione animam deponere. Quippe Lex ilia quoad usum, ex plurimis 
veteris Testamenti sufFragiis, ante hoc abolenda esset. Deut. 18, 
V. 18, 19. Psal. 50. V. 6-15, 23. lesaiae 66, v. 1-3. Vt olim 
multis jam annis transactis, ludei ubi maxima indulgetur libertas 
non sacrificantes, vosmetipsos tamen vere Deum colere arbitramini, 
Libet tamen, non obstanti h^c dieendi libertate nos edoeeri, dedoce- 
rique, qui in re a veritate subsidimus, vel hallucinamur. Tractatum 
itaque quem nominas De debito Christianorutn erga Ebraos affectu, 
mittas ; ut quantum in me est, typis mandetur, & in publicum 
promoveamus. De tempore adventus Messia quod incertum pro- 
nuncias, idque incertum comprobares experientii ; in promptu est 
responsio ; Illud Danieli prius ignoranti, tandem revelatum est ; 
idque ex libris illius, nobis. Et quamvis nonnulli (quos nominas) 
computando hallucinantes, in errorum gyris, & labyrintho sunt in- 
voluti ; non tamen hae ratione deponendx sunt de ea re (tanquam 
nullius usus) Prophetiae. Quippe quod expectamus, Danielis more 
cap. 9. v. 2 & v. 21. ut jam Vesperi setatem, quo propius accedunt 

Ixxxi / 


liberationum periodi, eo clarius elucescant revelationes ad easdem 
spectantes. iEgyptii Ethnicorum barbariores (te teste Egregie Vir) 
nascendum Mosen praesentiscebant, nescientibus tunc Israelitis 
natum Liberatorem. Quidni etiam Christiani Scripturas amplexi, 
adventum vestrae Messirt; secundum praeviderent ? In cujus ad- 
ventu, (pace eruditionis vestrae asserentis, quod stupens mirabar, 
Vestram salutem in ejus Adventu non esse sitam) fundatur nostra, prae- 
sertim vestra aeterna salus. Si enim verum foret, eum nondum 
venisse, & postha;c ilium venturum ambigitur, labitur omnis pro- 
phetiarum Compages, totumque veteris Testamenti Systema ruit. 
Et ita de Scripturarum veritate actum est ; ut de salute turn nostra, 
turn vestr4 actum est. Quae si quippiam asserere videantur, Christi 
Messije passionem (Psal. 22. Isa. 53) resurrcctionem (Psal. 16) 
ascensionem (Psal. 68) sesslonem ad dextram Patr'ts (Psal. 1 10) 
potestatein super omnia regnantem^ more Adami novissime creati 
(Psal. 2. Psal. 8) omnino asserunt. Quae omnia acurate comparata, 
Messia Filii Davidis adventum, abitumque, reditumque, elenchic^ 
satis demonstrant. Non novum urgeo Testamentum, quod acquis 
miraculorum portentis nobis commendatum fuit, ut vetus Israeli. 
Vobis tamen Hebraeis libentissimi favemus, utinamque plus multo 
favere possemus ; quamvis nee Meritum, nee pro merito (vox Bibliis 
ignota) quicquam expeetamus. Merces ex gratis datur non merito. 
Malum possumus, qui perfeete peccamus, merer! ; bonum in quo 
omnimodo deficimus. Malum itaque pro nostro, bonum pro Christi 
merito (si voce utar) nobis compensatur. Hominum (fateor) alter 
de altero merer! dicatur, ut egomet tibi (vir Candidissime) pro tuis 
Uteris me multum debere agnosco. Quin & universa vestrae Nation!, 
flexis genibus servire molior, ut sive Nos Vobis, Vosvd: Nobis fact! 
Proselytae utrique juxta Isaiam, & Ezechielem, caeterosque Prophetas, 
in unam coeamus ecelesiam. Nee non (confido) dilectissimus noster 
lesseus idem meditatur ; cui literas communicavi tuas, ad me missas. 
Pudet multum me tamdiu siluisse, verum tibi rescribenti, dupl^ 
quoad possim diligent!^ compensabitur. 

" A Tui Observantissimo, 

"Nathanaele Homesio. 

" Tuis hisce ex animo attestatur, assentitur, negociis i scribendo 
jam detentus, qui Sionis pulverem commiseratur, qui hasc propria 
manu subscripsi H. Iesse." 

6. Original French text of Menasseh ben Israel's de- 



mands on behalf of the Jews presented to Oliver Cromwell 
(S. P., Dom. Inter., ci. 115). 

" Ce sont icy les graces et les faveurs qu'au nom de ma nation 
hebreue moy, Menasseh ben Israel, requiers a vostre serenissime altesse 
que dieu fasse prosperer et donne heureux succez en toutes ses entre- 
prises comme son hiimble serviteur lui souhaitte et desire. 

" I. La premiere chose que je demande a vostre Altesse est que 
nostre nation hebreue sont re5eue et admise en cestee puissant repub- 
lique sous la protection et garde de vostre altesse comme les cittoiens 
mesmes et pour plus grande security au temps advenir je supplie votre 
altesse de faire jurer (si elle I'a pour aggr&ble) k tous ses chefs et gene- 
raux d'armes de nous defFendre en toutes occasions. 

" II. Quil plaise a vostre altesse nous permettre s\-nagogues pub- 
liques non seulement en Angleterre, mais aussi en touts austres lieux 
de conqueste qui sont sous la puissance de Vostre Altesse et d'observer 
en tout nostre religion comme nous devons. 

" III. Que nous puissions avoir un lieu ou cimetiere hors la ville 
pour enterrer nos morts sans estre molestes d''aucun. 

" IV. Qu'il nos soit permis de trafiquer librement en toute sorte 
de marchandise comme les autres. 

"V. Que (afin que ceux qui vendront soyent pour Tutilite des 
citoyens et viven san porter prejudice a aucun ni donner scandale) 
vostre serenissime Altesse elise im personne de quality pour informer 
et recevoir passeport de ceux qui entreront, les quels estant arrivez le 
faira scavoir et les obligera de jurer et garder fid^lite a vostre Altesse 
en ce peix. 

" VI. Et pour n'estre point a charge aux juges du peix touchaut 
les contestations et differents qui peuvent arriver entre ceux de nostre 
nation que nostre serenissime Altesse donne licence aux chef de la 
synagogue de prendre avec soy deux ausmoniers de sa nation pour 
accorder et juger tous les differents de procez conforme a la lo}- 
Mosayque avec libert^ toutefois d'appeler de leur sentence aux juges 
civils deposant premierement la somme a laquelle la partye aurait este 

" Vn. Que si paradventure il y avait quelques loix contraires a 
nostre nation juifsx que premierement et avant toutes choses elles 
soient revoquees affin que par ce moien la nous puissons demeurer avec 
plus grande securite sous la sauvegarde et protecdon de vostre serenis- 
sime Altesse. 

" LesqueUes choses nous concedant vostre serenissime Altesse nous 
demeurerons toujours les tres affectionnes et obligez a prier Dieu pour 



la prosperity de vostre Altesse et de vostre illustre et tr^s sage conseil. 
Qu'il luy plaise donner heureux succez a toutes \ks, enterprises de vostre 
Serenissime Altesse Amen.'" 

7. Circular issued by Cromwell's Council convening the 
Whitehall Conference (S.P. Dom. Inter., i. 76, 1655, pp. 

"Sir, — His Highness the Lord Protector and the Council having 
determined of a certain number of persons (whereof yourself is one) 
to meet with a Committee of the Council on Tuesday the fourth of 
December next in ye afternoon neare the Council Chambers in 
Whitehall to the intent some proposalls made to his Highness in 
reference to the nation of the Jewes may be considered of you are 
therefore desired by his Highness & the Council to take notice 
thereof & so meet at the said time and place for the purpose afore- 

Signed in the name & 

by order of the Council 
He. Lawrence 
Whitehall, Presidt 

16 Novem. 1655." 

8. Report of the Sub-Committee of the Council of 
State after the Conferences at Whitehall (S. P., iDom. 
Inter., ci. 118). 

" That the Jewes deservinge it may be admitted into this nation to 
trade and trafficke anddwel amongst us as providence shall give occasion} 

" That as to poynt of conscience we judge lawfull for the magis- 
trate to admit in case such materiall and weighty considerations as 
hereafter follow be provided for, about which till we are satisfyed we 
cannot but in conscience suspend our resolution in this case. 

" I. That the motives and grounds upon which Menasseh ben 
Israel in behalfe of the rest of his nation in his booke lately printed 
in this English tongue desireth their admission in this common- 
wealth are such as we conceave to be very sinfull for this or any 
Christian state to receave them upon. 

' Dr. Gardiner has suggested to me, and I agree, that this paragraph is 
not a recommendation, but the thesis of the report. It is the text of the 
" reference " to the Sub-Committee by the Council, and the succeeding para- 
graphs constitute the report upon it. See supra, p, xlv. 



" 2. That the danger of seducinge the people of this nation by 
their admission in matters of religion is very great. 

" 3. That their havinge of synagogues or any publicke meetings 
for the exercise of their worship or religion is not only evill in itselfe, 
but likewise very scandalous to other Christian churches. 

" 4. That their customes and practices concerninge marriage and 
divorce are unlawful! and will be of very evill exemple amongst us. 

" 5. That principles of not makinge concience of oathes made and 
injuryes done to Christians in life, chastity, goods or good name have 
bin very notoriously charged upon them by valuable testimony. 

" 6. That great prejudice is like to arise to the natives of this com- 
monwealth in matter of trade, which besides other dangers here men- 
tioned we find very commonly suggested by the inhabitants of the 
city of London. 

" 7. We humbly represent. 

"I. That they be not admitted to have any publicke Judica- 
toryes, whether civill or ecclesiasticall, which were to grant them 
terms beyond the condition of strangers. 

"II. That they be not admitted eyther to speake or doe any- 
thinge to the defamation or dishonour of the name of our Lord Jesus 
Christ or of the Christian religion. 

"III. That they be not permitted to doe any worke or any- 
thinge to the prophanation of the Lord's Day or Christian sabbath. 

"IV. That they be not admitted to have Christians to dwell 
with them as their servants. 

"V. That they bear no publicke office or trust in this com- 

" VI. That they be not allowed to print anything which in the 
least opposeth the Christian religion in our language. 

" VII. That so farre as may be not suffered to discourage any of 
their owne from uisnge or applyinge themselves to any which may 
tend to convince them of their error and turn them to Christianity. 
And that some severe penalty be imposed upon them who shall 
apostatize from Christianity to Judaisme." 

9. Petition of the London Marranos to Oliver Crom- 
well (S. P., Dom. Inter., cxxv. 58) : — • 

" To His Highnesse Oliver Lord Protector of the Comon- 
welth of England, Scotland & Ireland & the Dominions thereof. 

" The Humble Petition of The Hebrews at Present Residing in 
this citty of London whose names ar vnderwritten 



" Humbly shewcth 

" That Acknolledging The manyfold favours and Protection yor 
Highnesse hath bin pleased to graunt vs in order that wee may with 
security meete priuatley in owr particular houses to our Deuosions, 
And being desirous to be favoured more by yo^ Highnesse wee pray 
with all Humblenesse y"" by the best meanes which may be such 
Protection may be graunted vs in Writting as that wee may therew''' 
meete at owr said priuate deuosions in owr Particular houses without 
feere of Molestation cither to owr persons famillys or estates, owr 
desires Being to Liue Peacebly under yo Highnes Gouernement, And 
being wee ar all mortall wee allsoe Humbly pray yo"" Highnesse to 
graunt vs License that those which may dey of owr nation may be 
buryed in such place out of the cittye as wee shall thineke conuenient 
with the Proprietors Leaue in whose Land this place shall be, and 
soe wee shall as well in owr Lifetyme, as at owr death be highly 
fauoured by yo'' Highnesse for whose Long Lyfe and Prosperity wee 
shall continually pray To the allmighty God. 

Menasseh Ben Israel. 
David Abrabanel. 
Abraham Israel Caruajal. 
Abraham Coen Gonzales. 
Jahacob De Caceres. 
Abraham Israel De Brito. 
IsAK Lopes Chillon. 
Oliver P. 

Wee doe referr this Peticon 

to the Consideracon of y"" Councill. 
March ye 24th 

i6-'y^. (Endorsement) 


ye 25 March 1656 

dd by the Lord Presid' 

Gentlemen ye 26 

June 1656." 

10. Petition of Menasseh ben Israel to Oliver Crom- 
well, probably written at the end of 1656 (S. P., Dom. 
Inter., cliii. 122) : — 

"To his Highness the Lord Protector. 

" May it please your Highnesse, what modestie forbidds neccs- 
sitie (that ingens telum) compells ; that having bene long time very 



sickly (an expensive condition) I make my moan to your Highnesse, 
as the alone succourer of my life, in this land of strangers, to help in 
this present exigence. I shall not presume to prescribe to your High- 
nesse but havinge had great experience of your greatnesse in compas- 
sions as well as in majestic, I lay myselfe at your feet, that am your 
infinit obliged supplicant & servant 

"Menasseh Ben Israel." 

1 1. Further petition from Menasseh ben Israel to Oliver 
Cromwell. It is endorsed "17 Sep. 1657" (S. P., Dom. 
Inter., clvi. 89) :— 

"To his Highnesse, the Lord Protector, the humble petition of 
Menasseh Ben Israel. 

" May it please your Highnesse, my only sonne, being now dead 
in my house, who before his departure, engaged me to accompany 
his corps to Holland, & I indebted here, I know not which way to 
turn mee but (under God) to your Highnesse for help in this con- 
dition, emploring your bowells of compassion (which I know are 
great & tender) to supply me with three hundred pounds, & I shall 
surrender my pension seal & never trouble or charge your Highnesse 
any more, I am very sensible considering your great past kindnesse 
(which with all thankfullnesse I acknowledge) how highly-bold this 
my petition is, but the necessitie of my present exigence & my 
experience of your admirable graciousnesse to mee have layd mee 
prostrat at your feet, crying. Help, most noble prince, for God's sake, 
your most humble supplicant Menasseh Ben Israel." 

12. Petition on behalf of the widow of Menasseh ben 
Israel, addressed to Richard Cromwell by John Sadler 
(S. P., Dom. Inter., cc. 8) :— 

"To his Highness the Lord Protector the humble petition of 
John Sadler. 

"Sheweth that although your petitioner being often pressed to 
present petitions in behalf of the Jewes did rather dissuade their 
comming hither, yet by some letters of your late royall father & 
others of note in this nation some of their synagogs were encouraged 
to send hither one of their cheife rabbines, Menasseh Ben Israel, for 
admittance & some freedome of trade in some of these ilands. And 
when he had stayed heere so long, that he was allmost ashamed to 



returne to those that sent him or to exact their maintenance heere 
where they found so Httle success after so many hopes, it pleased his 
Highnes & the councell to setle on the said Menasseh a pension of 
100;^ a yeare which ere long he offered to resigne for 300^^ for 
present satisfaction of debts & other pressures which lay so heavy on 
him that at length he submitted to resigne his former pension for a 
new grant of loo£^ to be presently paid as the councell ordered. 

"But notwithstanding his stay & expense in procuring several 
seales, he never gott one penny of the said 200^^ but at length with 
his heart ever broken with griefe on losing heer his only Sonne and 
his presious time with all his hopes in this iland he got away with 
so much breath as lasted, till he came to Midleburg & then he dyed. 
Leaving a poore desolate widow (with other relations) who solemnly 
professed she had not money enough to lay him in the sepulchres of 
his fathers, but for the charity of some that lent or gave them money. 
It pleased allso your Highess late father to receive one or 2 of the 
same poore widowes letters to your petitioner (whom they both 
trusted in that business) & with his owne hands to commit them to 
the especiall care of Mr. secretary Thurloe who hath also divers 
times minded the same, but your Highness exchequer is so charged 
that there is little hope of obteining it there. 

" May it please your Highnesse in compassion to the said poore 
widow & relations of a man so eminent & famous in his owne & 
meny other nations & for the honour of Christian religion with 
many other reasons, to order the said 200^^ out of the contingencies 
for the councell or some other treasure where it may be speedily 
had and without fees allso if it may be according to former orders. 

" And your petitioner shall desire to pray." 


TJocfrithi /lie I'olnif, uoliiitj ACodeyfrn jmmi . p^~^^ 
^4i7 uo1er/-f i>///tus c/iarta rc-f'Tri' i'/i/L->sl g J^" 

Hos oni'/os, /Tirr ora I'u/r. Coniiciut utri/icji/c:S^^ f^ 

I lid /'//Of L'/lIfl/^S. J/.Xlf. A' ll/i/ J'/U 




An Hebrew Divine, and 


Newly extant, and Printed at ^tAm- 

Jierdam^ and Dedicated by the Author, to 

the High Court, the Parliament oi England, 
and to the Councell of State, 

The fecond Edition correded and amended. 
Whereunto are added, 

In this fecond Edition ^fome ^ifcourfes 

upon the point of the QonDerJion of the 

^y Moses Wall. 


!Printed by !?^. /. for Livewell Chapman at the 
Crowne in !Popes-Head Alley, 1652. 


Parliament, The Supream Court of 


zAndto the "^ight Honourable the Coun- 

cellofState^ Menaffeh Ben \{r2i&\^ prayes 
God to give Health, and all HappineJJe : 

T is not one caufe alone (moft renowned Fa- 
thers) which ufeth to move thofe, who defire 
by their Meditations to benefit Mankind, and 
to make them come forth in publique, to de- 
dicate their Books to great Men ; for fome, 
and thofe the moft, are incited by Covetoufneffe, that 
they may get money by fo doing, or fome peece of 
Plate of gold, or Silver ; fometimes alfo that they may 
obtaine their Votes, and fuffrages to get fome place for 
themfelves, or their friends. But fome are moved thereto 
by meere and pure friendfhip, that fo they may publick- 
ly teflifie that love and affe6lion, which they bear them, 
whofe names they prefixe to their Books ; let the one, and 
the other, pleafe themfelves, according as they delight in 
the reafon of the Dedication, whether it be good or bad; 
for my part, I beft like them, who do it upon this ground, 
that they may not commend themfelves, or theirs, but 
what is for publick good. 

As for me (mofl renowned Fathers) in my dedicating 

A 2 this 


The Epijlle Dedicatory. 
this Difcourfe to you, I can truly affirm, that I am indu- 
ced to it upon no other ground then this, that I may gain 
your favour and good will to our Nation, now fcattered— - 
almoft all over the earth ; neither think that I do this, as if 
I were ignorant how much you have hitherto favored our 
Nation ; for it is made known to me, and to others of our 
Nation, by them who are fo happy as near at hand, to 
obferve your apprehenfions, that you do vouchfafe to help 
us, not onely by your prayers ; yea, this hath compelled 
me to fpeak to you publickly, and to give you thanks for 
that your charitable affedlion towards us, and not fuch 
thanks which come only from the tongue, but as are con- 
ceived by a grateful mind. 

Give me leave therefore (mofl renowned Fathers) to 
fupplicate you, that you would flil favor our good, and far- 
ther love us. Truly, we men doe draw fo much the near- 
er to Divine nature, when by how much we increafe, by 
fo much we cherifh, and defend the fmall, and weak ones; 
and with how much diligence doe you performe this, mofl 
renowned Fathers ? who though you feem to be arrived 
to the higheft top of felicity, yet you do not only not de- 
fpife inferior men, but you fo wifh well to them, that you 
feem fenfible of their calamity ; you knowing how accep- 
table to God you are by fo doing, who loves to do good to 
them who doe good. And truly it is from hence, that of 
late you have done fo great things valiantly, and by an un- 
ufuall attempt, and things much to be obferved among 
the Nations. The whole world ftands amazed at thefe 
things, and the eies of all are turned upon you, that they 
may fee whither all thefe things do tend, which the great 
Governour of all things feems to bring upon the world by 
fo great changes, fo famoufly remarkable, of fo many Na- 
tions ; and fo all thofe things which God is pleafed to 


The Epi/lle Dedicatory. 
have fore-told by the Prophets, do, and fhall obtain their 
accompHfhment. All which things of neceffity muft bee 
fulfilled, that fo Ifrael at laft being brought back to his 
owne place ; peace which is promifed under the Meffiah, 
may be reftored to the world ; and concord, which is the 
only Mother of algood things. Thefe things I handle more 
largely in this Treatife, which I dedicate to you (moft re- 
nowned Fathers) you cannot be ignorant, that it is not on- 
ly not unprofitable, but very ufeful for States and Statef- 
men, to fore-fee the iffue (which yet is ever in Gods 
hand) of humaine Councells, that fo they may obferve, 
and underftand from Divine truth, the events of things to 
come, which God hath determined by his Spirit in his 
holy Prophets. I know that this my labour will not be 
unacceptable to you, how mean foever it be, which I trufl 
you will chearfuUy receive, becaufe that you love our Na- 
tion, and as part of it, the Author of this Difcourfe. But 
I intreat you be certain, that I pour out continual prayers 
to God for your happineffe. Farewell, moft renowned 
Fathers, and flourifh moft profperoufly. 

Menajfeh 'Ben Ifrael. 

A 3 Me- 


Menaffeh Ben Ifrael, 
To the Courteous Reader. 

' Here are as many minds as men, about the originall of' 
the people o/America andofthejirjilnhalitantsofthe 
new World, andoJ^theWeH \-aAye.%; for how many men 
foever ihey were or are,theycame oj" thofe two, Adam, 
andKve; andconfequently of Noah, after theFlood,lut 
thatnew IVorlddothfeemwhollyfeparatedfroru theold, 
therefore it muji he that fame didpqffe thither out of one [at leqft) of 
the three parts of the world fc.E.uTope, Aiia,and Africa; but the doubt 
is, what people were thofe, and out of what place they went. /Truly, 
the truth of that miift he gathered, partly out of the ancient Hyfio- 
ries, and partly from conjediures ; as their Habit, their Lan- 
guage, their Manners, which yet doe vary according to mens dif- 
poftions ; fo that it is hard tofinde out the certainty. Almqji all 
who have veiwed thofe Countryes, with great diligence, have been 
of different judgements : Some would have the praife of finding out 
America, to he due to the Carthaginians, others to i^ePhenicians, or 
the Canaanites ; others to the Indians, or people of China ; others 
to them of Norway ,otherstothe Inhahitantsof the At\antickl{lands, 
others to the Tartarians, others to the ten Tribes. Indeed, every one 
grounds his opinion not upon probable arguments, but high conje- 
Siures, as will appear e farther by this Booke. But I having curi- 
ou/ly examined what ever hath hitherto been writ upon thisfub- 
jeSi doefinde no opinion more probable, nor agreeable to reafon, then 
that of our Montezinus, who faith, that thefirfl inhabitants of A- 
merica, were the ten Tribes of the Ifraelites, whom <Ae Tartarians 
conquered, and drove away; who after that {as God would have it) 
hid themfelves behind the Mountaines Cordillerae. I alfo fhew, 
that as they were not driven out at once from their Country, fo 
alfo they were fcattered into divers Provinces, fc. into America, 
into Tartary, into China, into Media, to the Sahbaticall River, and 
into ^Ethiopia. I prove that the ten Tribes never returned to the 
fecond Temple, that they yet keepe the Law of Mofes, and our fa- 


To the Reader. 

/cred Rites; and at Iqfl Jhall return into their Land, with the 
two Tribes, Judah, and Benjamin; and Jhall he governed by one 
Prince, who is Mefliah the Son of David ; and without doubt that 
time is near, which I make appear by divers things ; where. Rea- 
der, thou Jhalt Jlnde divers Hi/lories worthy of memory, and ma- 
ny Prophefes of the old Prophets opened with muchjiudy, and care. 
I willingly leave it to the judgement of the godly, and learned, what 
happy worth there is in this my Book, and what my own Nation owes 
me for my paines : It is called, The Hope of Ifrael ; which name 
is taken from Jerem. 14. 8. the hope of Ifrael, the Saviour there- 
of. For thefcope of this Difcourfe is, tojhow, that the hope in which 
we live, of the camming of the Mejjiah is of a future, difficult, but in- 
fallible good, becaufe it is grounded upon the abjolute Promife of the 
blejfed God. 

And becaufe I intend a continuation of Jofephus his Hi/iory of 
the Jewes, our famous Hi/iorian ; I intreat, and befeech all Lear- 
ned men, in what part of the world foever they live {to whom I 
hope that Jhortly this Difcourfe will come) that if they have any 
thingworthy ofpq/ierity,that they would give me notice of it in time; 

for though I have colleSied many ASis of the Jewes, and many 
and other Authors of other Nations ; yet I want many things for 
this my enterprize, all which I am willing to performe, that I may 
pleafe my Nation; but rather to the glory of the bleffed God, whofe 
Kingdome is everlqfting, and his Word infallible. 



T^he Tranjlator to the "Reader. 

His difcourfe of a Jew comming to my hand, and 
having perufed it, I thought it not inconvenient 
to make it fpeake Engli/h ; for the benefit of my 
Country-men, who wait for the redemption of If- 
rael; and at the fame time of the Gentiles alfo. That 
the Author is a yew, ought to be no fcandall to us (though 
fome of us Chriftian Gentiles are ignorant of, and fcandalized at 
thejiotion of the converfion of the yewes, as the yewes of old 
were, concerning our being converted, and grafted into the true 
Stock, as in A6ls ii. 3.) for though God hath rejefted them, 
yet not for ever : jRo/?;. 11. 25, 26, And alfo the many prophefies 
both in the Old, and New Teftament, which concern their be- 
ing received againe to grace, gathered from their difperfion, 
and fettled in their own Land ; and their flourifhing efi:ate un- 
der, now our, and then their and our Prince, Jefus Chrift the 
Meffiah, who will then triumph glorioufly, and all his people 
with him ; thefe and many more Promifes would want a ful- 
filling (which the God of Truth wil never fufFer) if there fhould 
not be the revolution of a time, in which they fhall be conver- 
ted, and grace and peace be poured out upon yewes and Gentiles; 
though firft upon the yeiv, then the Gentile. But befides this, the 
Author exprefleth fo much learning that he deferveth honour 
of all ; fo much ingenuity, and (fo far as his light reacheth) fo 
great a meafure of the knowledge and fear of God, that he may 
wel be fet for a pattern to us Chriftians, who profefs much better 
than he, but live much worfe. One thing is very remarkable in 
him, that wheras many of us (like them who canot fee Wood for 
Trees) though inviorned with mercies in thefe late revolutions, 
(I fpeake not to them who meafure mercies only, or chiefly, by 
plentiful tables, ful purfes, rich accoutrements, and the like; that 
wretched Generation is unworthy of the name of Men, much 
more of Chrijlians) yet will unthankfully cry out. What have 
we got by all thefe troubles? and what hath been done? fure- 



ly this yew fhall rife up in judgement againft fuch unchriftian 
Chriftians; for he in his Epiftle Dedicatory fays. The whole world 
Jlands amazed at what the Parliament hath dime; befides he cordially 
and openly owns the Parliament, who as far as I know never did 
him nor his Nation any further good then to pray for them ; 
[thoughwehope, andpray, that their favourmayextendtorealities, to- 
wards that people, to whom certainly Godhath made many, and great 
Promifes, and Jhortly will give anfweralle performances : ) but 
many among us who injoy peace under them, and many other 
bleffings, (too many for an unthankfuU Generation) doe re- 
fufe to acknowledge them, doe curfe them whom God hath 
blefled, and even in their prayers to that God who cannot be 
deceived, or impofed upon ; doe vent themfelves againft this 
prefent Government, in expreffions fo wilde and falfe, that 
fuch Language would be accounted moft unworthy, in our 
addrefle to any confiderable perfon, much more then to the 
great God. I fhall only adde this,/c. Do not think that I aime' 
by this Tranflation, to propagate or commend ludaifme (which 
its no wonder if the Author doth fo much favour, efpecially in \ 
his thirtieth Seftion) no, through Grace I have better learned the 
truth, as it is in Jefus, but to give fome difcovery of what appre- ,' 
henfions, and workings there are at this day in the hearts of the / 
Jewes; and to remove our finfull hatred from off that people, ; 
whofe are the Promifes, and who are beloved for their Fathers 
fakes; and^ho of Jewes, we fliall hear to be, ere long, reall Chri- 

B The 


The Authors of other Nations, which are quoted in 
this Treatife. 

ABrahamus Orte- 
Alexis Vanegas 
Alfonfiis Cemedro 
Alonfus Augitflianus 
Alovfiis de Erzilla 
Alonfus Fena'iis 
Arias Montanus. 

Bozius. C 

Diodorus Siei/lus 

Duretus. E 
Efelius Geradus 
EufeUus Cefarienfis. 

Famianus Strada 
Francifcus de Rihera 
Francifcus lopex de 

Garcilajfus dela Fega 

Guil. Pojiellus 
Guilielmus Blawius 
Guil. Schilkardus. 

Henricus Alangre 
Hugo Grotius 


yacohus Ferus 
Joan, de cqftillanos 
Joan, de Bairos 
Joan. Roman 
Joan, de Lael 
Joan. Huarte 
Jofephus d' Acojia 
Joan. Linfchoten. 


Manuel Sa. 
Marcilius Facinus 

Nicolaus Trigautius. 

Oforius Lujltanus. 


Petrus de Cleza 
Petrus Simon 
Petrus Hernandes 

Petrus Teixera 
Picus Mirandulanus 

Semuel Bochardus 
Suetonius Tranquillus. 

Thomas Malvenda 



The Hebrew Bookes, and Authors. 


Talmud Babylonicum 
Paraphrafis Chaldaica 
R. Simhon ben Johay 
Seder holam 

Jofeph ben Gurion 
R. Sehadia Gaon 
R. Mofeh de Egypto 
R. Abraham Aben Ezra 
R. Selomoh Jarhi 
Eldad Danita 
R. David Kimhi 
R.Benj amin Tudelenlis 
R. Mofeh Gerundenfis 

R. Abraham bar R. Hiya 
Don Shac Abarbanel 
R. Jofeph Coen. 
R. Abraham Frifcoll 
R. Mordechay Japhe 
R. Mordechay reato 
R. Hazarya a-Adomi. 



nn TT -p 


O F 

A^ro:]\(T Moij^Ezinxps. 

\JS[ the lith. of the Month of EIul: the 5404 year 
from the Worlds creation, and according to com- 
mon compute, in 1644. Aaron Levi, other wife 
called Antonius Montezinus came into this City 
Amfterdam, and related to the Sieur Menafleh ben 
Ifrael, and other cheifetains of the Portugal Na- 
tion, Inhabitants of the fame City, thefe things which follow. 

That it was two years and a halfe, fince that he going from 
the Port Honda in the Weft-Indies, to the PuplanjurifdiSiion, he 
condu6ied fome Mules of a certaine Indian, whofe name was Fran- 
cifcus Caftellanus, into the Province of Quity, and that there was 
one in company with him and other Indians, whofe name was Fran- 
cis, who was called by all Cazicus. That it happened that as they 
went over the Mountaines Cordillerse, a great tempe/i arofe, which 
threw the loaden Mules to the ground. The Indians being af- 
fliSied by the fore tempejl, every one began to count his loffes ; 
yet confefjing that all that and more grievous punifhments were but 
juft, in regard of their many fins. Bui Francis bad them take it pati- 
ently, for that they fhouldfhortlyinjoy refi: the others anfwered,that 
they were unworthy of it; yea that the notorious cruelty ifed by the 
Spaniards towards them,wasfentofGod,becaufe they hadfo ill trea- 
ted his holy people, who wer ofal others the mqjl innocent: now then, 
they determined to fiay all night upon the top of the Mountain. 
And Montezinus tooke out of a Box fome Bread, and Cheefe, 
and yonkels, and gave them to Francis, upbraiding him, that he 
had spoken difgracefully of the Spaniards; who anfwered, that he 
had not told one halfe of the miferies and calamities in/li6ied by a 

B 2 cruell 



cruell, and inhumane people ; hut they Jliould not goe unrevenged, 
looking Jor helpe from an unknown people. 

After this Conference, Montezinus went to Carthagenia, a City 
of the Indians, luhere he being examined, was put in Prifon; and 
while he prayed to God,fuch words fell from him ; BlefJ'ed he the 
name of the Lord, that hath not made me an Idolater, a Barbarian, 
a Black-a-Moore, or an Indian ; but as he 7iamed Indian, he was 
angry with himfelfe, and/aid, The Hebrewes are Indians ; then he 
camming to himfelfe againe, confeJJ'ed that he doted, and added, 
Can the Hebrewes be Indians? which hee alfo repeated a fecond, and 
a third time; and he thought that it was not by chance that he had 
fo much miftaken himfelfe. 

He thinking farther, of what he had heard from the Indian, and 
hoping that he fhould find out the whole truth; therefore as foon as 
he ivas let out of Prifon, he fought out Francifcus heleeving that hee 
would repeat to him againe what he hadfpoken; he therefore be- 
ing fet at liberty, throiigh Gods mercy went to the Port 
Honda, and according to his defire, found him, who faid; He 
rememhred all that he had spoken, when he was upon the Moun- 
taine ; whom Montezinus asked, that he would take ajourny with 
him, offering him all courtefies, giving him three peeces of Eight, 
that he might buy himfelfe neceffaries. 

Now ivhen they were got out of the Cily, Montezinus confej/ed 
himfelfe to be an Hebrew, of the Tribe of Levi, and that the Lord 
was his God ; and he told the Indian, that all other gods were but 
mockeries; the Indian being amazed, asked him the name of his 
Parents; who anfivered AhTa.ha.m, Ifaac, a«£^ Jacob ,• but faid he, 
have you no other Father ? who anfwered, yes, his Fathers name 
was Ludovicus Montezinus; but he not being yetfatisfied, I am 
glad {faith he) to heare you tell this, for I was in doubt to beleeve 
you, while you feemed ignorant of your Parents : Montezinusyk/ea- 
ring, that hefpoke the truth, the Indian asked him, if he were not 
the Son of Ifrael, and thereupon began a long difcourfe ; who when 
he knew that he wasfo, he defred him to profecute what he had 
begun, and added, that he fhould viore fully explaine himfelfe, for 
that formerly he had left things fo doubtfull, that he did not feem 
at all affured of any thing. After that both had fate downe 
together, and refrefhed themfelves, the Indian thus began : If you 
have a minde to follow me your Leader, youfhall know what ever 




yotc dejire to know, only let me tell you this, whatfoever the journey 
is, you miiftfoot it, and you muft eate nothing hut parched Mayz, 
and you mu/i omit nothing that I tell you ; Montezinus anfwered 
that he would doe all. 

The next day being Mtinday, Cazicus came againe, and lid 
him throw away what he had in his Knapfack to put onjhooes made 
of linnen packthred, and to follow him, with hisjlaffe ; whereupon 
Montezinus leaving his Cloake, and his Sword, and other things 
which he had alout him, they began the journey, the Indian carry- 
ing upon his back three meafures of Mayz, two ropes, one of which 
was full of knots, to climbe up the Mountaine, with an hooked fork ; 
the other was fo loofe,for to paffe over Marfhes, and Rivers, with 
a little Axe, and fhooes made of linnen pack-thred. They being 
thus accoutred, travelled the whole weeke, unto the Sabbath Day ; 
on which day they re/ling, the day after they went on, till Tuefday, 
on which day alout eight a clock in the morning, they came to a Ri- 
ver as ligge as Duerus ; then the lndia.i\faid, Here youfhallfee your 
Brethren, and making afgne with the fine linnen of Xylus, which 
they had about them inftead of a Girdle ; thereupon on the other 
fide of the River they faw a great fmoke, and immediately after, 
fuch another figne made as they had made before ; a little after 
that, three men, with a woman, in a little Boat came to them, which 
being come neare, the woman went ajhore, the reji fiaying in the 
Boat ; who talking a good while with the Indian, in a Language 
which Montezinus underftood not;fhe returned to the Boat, and told 
to the three men whalfhe had learned of the Indian ; who alwayes 
eying him, came prefently out of the Boat, and embraced Montezi- 
nus, the woman after their example doing the like ; after which, one 
of them went lack to the Boat, and when the Indian lowed downe to 
the feet of the other two, and of the woman, they embraced him 
courteoiifly, and talked a good while with him. After that, the 
Indian bid Montezinus to be of good coui'age, and not to looke that 
they fhould come afecond time to him, till he had fully learned the 
things which were told him at thefirfi time. 

Then thofe two men comming on each fide of Montezinus, they 
adonai chad; that is, Heare O Ifrael, the Lord our God is one God. 
Then the Indian Interpreter being asked, how it was in Spanifh, 
they fpoke what follow es to Montezinus, making afhort paufe be- 
tween every particular. B 3 i Our 



I Our Fatliers are Abraham, Ifaac, Jacob, and Ifrael, and 
they fignified thefe foure by the three fingers lifted up ; then they 
joyned Reuben, adding another finger to the former three. 

3 We will beftow feverall places on them who have a minde to 
live with us. 

3 Jofeph dwels in the midft of the Sea, they making a figne by 
two fingers put together, and then parted them. 

4 They faid (fpeaking faft) (hortly fome of us will goe forth to 
fee, and to tread under foot; at which word they winked, and ftam- 
ped with their feet. 

5 One day we fliall all of us talke together, they faying, Ba, ba, 
ba; and we fliall come forth as iffuing out of our Mother the earth. 

6 A certaine Meflenger fhall goe forth. 

7 Francifms fliall tell you fomewhat more of thefe things, they 
making a figne with their finger, that much muft not be fpoken. 

8 Suffer us thatwemay prepare ourfelves; and they turningtheir 
hands and faces every way, thus prayed to God, DO NOT STAY 

9 Send twelve men, they making a figne, that they would have 
men that had beards, and who are skilfuU in writing. 

The Conference being ended, which lafied a whole day, the fame 
men returned on Wednefday, and Thurfday, and fpake the fame 
things againe, luithout adding a word ; at Iqfi Montezinus being 
weary that they did not anfwer what he asked them, nor would 
fuffer him to goe over the river, he cq/l himfelfe into their Boat ; 
but he being forced out againe, fell into the River, and was in dan- 
ger to be drowned, for he could not fwim ; but being got out of the 
water, the reft being angry, faid to him ; attempt not to paffe the 
River, nor to enquire after more then ive tel you ; which the Indian 
interpreted to him, the reft declaring the fame things both by figns, 
and words. 

You mvfi obferve, that all thofe three dayes the Boat flayed not 
in the fame place, but when thofe foure who came went away, other 
foure came, who all as with one moiith, repeated all the fore-men- 
tioned nine particulars, there came and went about three hundred. 

Thofe men are fomewhat fcorched by the Sun, fome of them 
weare their haire long, downe to their knees, other ofthemfliorter, 
and others of them much as we commonly cut it. They were come- 
ly of body, well accoutred, having ornaments on their feet, and 


(5) , 
leggs, and their heads were compqffed about with a linnen cloath. 

MontezinusyazVA, that when he was about to be gone, on Thurf- 
day evening, they Jhewed him very much courtejie, and brought 
him whatever they thought Jit Jor him in his journey, and they 
/aid, that themfelves were well provided with all fuch things, (fc. 
meats, garments, flocks, and other things) which the Spaniards iii 
India call their owne. 

The fame day, when they came to the place where they had 
re/ied, the night before they came to the River, Montezinus_/aid to 
the Indian ; You remember Francis, that my Brethren told me, that 
you fliould tell me fomething, therefore I entreat you, that you 
would not thinke much to relate it. The Indian anfwered, I will 
tell you what I know, only doe not trouble me, and youfliall know 
the truth, as I have received it from my fore-fathers ; hut if you 
preJJ'e me too much, as youfeeme to doe, you will make me tell you 
lyes ; attend therefore I pray, to what IJhall tell you. 

Thy Brethren are the Sons of Ifrael, and brought thither by the 
providence of God, who for their fake wrought many Miracles, 
which you will not beleeve, if Ifhould tell you what I have learned 
from my Fathers; we Indians made war upon them in that place, 
andufed them more hardly then we now are by the Spaniards; then 
by the infiigation of our Magicians (whom we call Mohanes) we 
went armed to that place where you faw your Brethren, with an 
intent to deflroy them ; but not one of all thofe who went thither, 
came back againe ; whereupon we raifed a great yirmy, and fet 
upon them, but with the fame fucceffe, for againe none efcaped; 
which hapned alfo the third time, fo that India was almoft bereft 
of all inhabitants, but old men, and women, the old men therefore: 
and the reft who furvived, beleeving that the Magicians ufed 
falfe dealing, confulted to deflroy them all, and many of them be- 
ing killed thofe who remained promifed to difcover fomewhat that 
was not knowne ; upon that they defifled from cruelty, and they 
declared fuch things as follow : 

That the God of thofe Children oi Ifrael is the true God, that all 
that which is engraven upon their ftones is true; that about the end 
of the World they fhall be Lords of the world ; that fome fhall 
come who (hall bring you much good, and after that they have 
enriched the earth with all good things, thofe Children oi Ifrael go- 
ing forth out of their Country, fhall fubdue the whole World to 


them, as it was fubjeft to them formerly ; you fhall be happy if you 
make a League with them. 

Then Jive, of the chief e Indians {whom they call Cazici who 
were my Ancejlors, having underjlood the Prophefe of the Ma- 
gicians, which they had learned of the Wife men of the Hebrewes, 
went thither, and after much entreaty, obtained their defre, ha- 
ving frji made knowne their minde to that woman, ivhom you f aw 
to be for an Interpreter, {for your Brethren will have no com- 
merce ivith our Indians) and whofoever of ours doth enter the 
Country of your Brethren, they prefently kill him ; and none of your 
Brethren doe pqffe into our Coiintry. Now ly the help of that 
Woman we made this agreement with them. 

I That our five Cazici (hould come to them, and that alone at 
every feventy moneths end. 

a That he to whom fecrets fhould be imparted, fliould be above 
the age of three hundred Moones, or Months. 

3 And thatfuch things fhould bedifcovered tononeinanyplace 
where people are, but only in a Defart, and in the prefence of the 
Cazici; and fo (faid the Indian) we keep that fecret among our 
felves, becaufe that we promife our felves great favour from them, 
for the good offices which we have done to our Brethren, it is not 
lawfull for us to vifite them, unleffe at the feventy months end : Or 
if there happens any thing new, and this fell out but thrice in my 
time ; Firft, when the Spaniards came into this Land ; alfo, when 
Ships came into the Southerne Sea; and thirdly, when you came, 
whom they long wiflied for, and expected. They did much rejoyce 
for thofe three new things, becaufe that they faid, the Prophefies were 

j4nd Montezinus alfo faid, that three other Cazici werefent to 
him by Francifcus, to Honda, yet not telling their names, till he had 
faid, you may fpeake to them freely, they are my fellowes in my 
Fun6tion of whom I have told you, the fifth could not come for 
age, hut thofe three did heartily embrace him; and Montezinus 
being asked of what Nation he was, he anfwered, an Hebrew, of 
the Tribe of Levi, and that God was his God, &c. which when 
they had heard, they embraced him againe, and faid : Upon a time 
youjhallfee us, andjhall not know us; We are all your Brethren, ly 
Gods fingular favour ; and againe, they both of them bidding fare- 
well, departed, every one faying, I goe about my biifine[fe ; there- 

fore none hut Francifciis being left, who fainting Montezinus as a 
Brother, then bade him farewell, faying, farewell my Brother, I 
have other things to doe, and I goe to vifte thy Brethren, with o- 
ther Hebrew Cazici. As far the Country, befeaire,for we rule all 
the Indians ; after we have finifhed a bitfineffe which we have with 
the wicked Spaniards, we will bring you out of your bondage, by Gods 
help; not doubting, but he who cannot lye, xuill help us; according to 
his JVord ; endeavour you in the meane while that thofe men may 

The Hope of I s r a e l. 

Sect, i, 

Tishard to fay whatiscertaineamong the fo ma- 
ny, and fo uncertaine opinions concerning the 
originall of the Indians of the new World. If 
you aske, what is my opinion upon the relation 
of Montezinus, I muft fay, it is fcarce poffible 
to know it by any Art,fince there is no demon- 
ftration, which can manifeft the truth of it ; 
much lefle can you gather it from Divine, or humaneWritings; for 
the Scriptures doe not tell what people firft inhabited thofe Coun- 
tries j neitherwas there mention of them by any, til Chriftop. Colum- 
bus, Americus, Vefpacius, Ferdinandus, Cortex, the Marquefle 
Del Falle, and Prancifcus Pizarrus went thither ; and though hi- 
therto I have been of this minde, that I would fpeake only of folid, 
and infallible things, (as thofe things are which concerne our Law) 
and the obfcurity of the matter, making me doubt, whether it would 
be worth awhile for me to attempt it; yet at laftlwas content to be 
perfwaded to it, not that I looke to get credit by it, but that my 
friends, and all who feeke for truth, that have put me upon this 
work, may fee how very defirous I am to pleafe them. 

I Ihall fpeake fomewhat in this Difcourfe, of the divers opinions 
which have been, and (hall declare in what Countries it is thought 

C the 


the ten Tribes are; and I fliall close, after that I have brought them 
into their owne Country, which I fhail prove by good reafons, fol- 
lowing the Revelations of the holy Prophets, who I belee ve cannot be 
expounded otherwife,whatever fome thinke; yet I intend nottodif- 
pute thefethings,butaccordingtomycuftome,{hall lay down fairly, 
and faithfully, the opinions of the J ewes only. 

SECT. 2. 

YOu muft know therefore, that Alexis Fanegas faith, that the 
firftColoniesof the West-Indieswere of the Carthaginians,v;ho 
firft of all inhabited New-Spaine, and as they encreafed, fpread to 
the Ifland Cuba; from thence to the continent oi America; and af- 
ter that towards Panama, New-Spaine, and the Ifle of Peru, And 
he grounds himfelfe on that reafon, that as the Carthaginians (who 
of old did moft ufe the Seas ) fo thofe of Peru, and the Inhabitants of 
New-Spaine, did make ufe oC Piftures inftead of Letters. 

But this opinion doth not satisfie, becaufe they anciently were 
white men, bearded, and civill in converfe; but contrarily thofe of 
Panama, St. Martha, and the Ifles in Cuba, and Barlovent, went 
naked. Further-more, who can thinke that the language which he 
faith, they firft fpoke, fhould be fo foone changed, that it fliould be 
wholly another; and there isnoagreement between the oneand the 
other. The learned Arias Montanus thinkes, that the Indians of 
New-Spaine, and Peru, are the OfF-fpring of Ophir the fonne of 
yokton, the nephew of Heber. And he backes his opinion, by the 
name Ophir, which by transpofition of letters, is the fame with Peru ; 
and he adds, that the name Parvaimia the duall number, doth fig- 
nifie the IJtmus between New-Spaine and Peru, which firft was 
called Ophir, then Peru ; and that thefe Countries are that Peru, 
from whence King Solomon brought Gold, precious Stones, &c. as 
in I King. chap. 9. v. 10. & 2 Chron. 9. 21. This opinion feems 
more probable than the other, and may be backed by another name of 
the River Piru, which according to Gomoras, lyes in the fecond de- 
gree from the Equiuoftiall line, from Panama 'i'i%. miles; as alfo 
by the name of the Province Jucatan, which may be derived from 
Joktan the father of Ophir. But befides that this notation is fome- 
what farre fetcht, it crofles what Jofephus Acojia affirmes in I. Hi- 
Jior. of Jud. c. 13. who faith, that the name Peru was unknowne to 
the /ra(^iawi- themfelves before thofe Spaniards thatname. Add 



to this what Garcillajfo de la Vega in the firft part of his Commen- 
tary on Peru, c. 4. faith, that when a certaine Spanyard,Bafco Nun- 
nez de Balboa, lived in that Country, and asked a Fifher-man, what 
was the name of that Province, he anfwered Bern; ( which was the 
Fifher-mans owne name, he thinicing that was the queftion) and he 
farther faid, that the name of the River where he fiftied, was called 
Pelu. Hence you may fee, that Peru is made of both thofe words; 
which also many Spanyards befides him, we have mentioned, doe 
teftifie. Befides, who can thinke that Solomon negledling the Eq/i- 
Indies, a place fo rich, and abounding with all things, fliould fend a 
Fleet fo farre off as to the JVeJi-Indies. Alfo we read in i King, 9. 
that Solomon made ships in Ezion- Geher on the fhoare of the red 
Sea, which alfo yehofaphat did, with Ahaziah, as Ezra faith, in 
2 CArora. ao. and it is certaine that thofeof thofe Countries went that 
ordinary way to India. And it will not follow, that becaufe the holy 
Scripture fometimes faith, that they went to Tarjis,a.nd fonietimes; 
thatthey wenttoO/)/i«V, that therefore both thofe places are thefame; 
fince that Tarsis is not,as fome thinke Carthage, or Tunes in Africa 
for that the Navieof Solomon did not fet fayle ixomyoppa,a port of 
the Mediterranean, but from Ezion-Geher, a Port of the red Sea, 
from whence they could not fayle to Caj-^Aage, but to the £a5<-/raiie5. 
The anfwer oi Ifaac Alarhanel to that argument, cannot be admit- 
ted, who faith, that an arme of Nilus did run into the red Sea, and 
another arme ran intotheMediterranean, by^/ea;awd»7'a injEgypt; 
fince it was never heard, that fhipsof great burden, did fwim in thofe 
rivers; and would not he then have built hisNavie in the Portof^- 
lexandria? It is more true that Tarfis is the Ocean,or Indian Sea; 
and becaufe they cameinto the Ocean, after that they had fayled over 
the red Sea, which is but narrow, therefore the Scripture faith, TAey 
Sayled to Tarfis. Rahhi Jonathan ben Uziel followes this opinion, 
who in his Paraphrafe, for Tarfis, puts ( the Sea.) The fame faith 
Francijcus de Ribera,m his Comment. on yo7iah,and a.\{oRabbinus 
yofephus Coen, in his Chronology; who afcribe the word Tarfis, to 
the Indian Sea; becaufe that Ophir is the fame Country, which of 
old is called. The Golden Cherfonefus ; and by Josephus, The Gol- 
den Land ; and at this day Malacca ; from whence they brought 
Ivory, for the great number of Elephants which are there; none of 
which are in the Wefi-Indies, and Solomons Navie flayed in thofe 
Ports of India three yeares, becaufe they traded with the Inhabi- 

C 2 tants 1 



tants 1 I know that learned Grotius, and famous de Laet thinke 
differently; as alfo thofe quoted by them; but I fhall not infift 
in confuting their opinions becaufe I ftudybrevity. I doe like of,in 
part, the opinion of the Spaniards who dwell in the Indies, who 
by common consent doe affirme that the Indians come of the 
ten Tribes. And truly they are not altogether miftaken, becaufe in 
my opinion, they were the first planters of the Indies; as also other 
people of the East-Indies came by that Streight which is between 
India, and the Kingdome of Anian. But that people, according to 
our Montezinus, made warre upon thofe Inhabitants the Ifraelites, 
whom they forced up unto the mountaines, and the in-land Coun- 
tries, as formerly the Brittaines were driven by the Saxons into 

SECT. 3. 

'"P'He firft ground of that opinion is taken from 2 Efdra. 13. v. 
-*• 40. &c. (which we quote as ancient, though it be Apocrj'- 
phall ) where it's faid, that the ten Tribes which Salmanqfter car- 
ried captive in the reigne of Hofeas, beyond Euphrates, determi- 
ned togoe into Countries farre remote, in which none dwelt, where- 
bythey might the better obferve their Law. Andasthey pafled over 
fome branches of Euphrates, God wrought Miracles, flopping the 
course of the Floud, till they had pafled over; and that Country is 
called Arfareth, From whence we may gather, that the ten Tribes 
went to New-Spaine, and Peru, and poflefl"ed thofe two Kingdoms, 
till then withoutlnhabitants. Genebrardus, quoting Efdras concer- 
ning that wandring of the ten Tribes, faith, that Arfareth is Tar- 
taria the greater, and from thence they went to Greenland, for that 
America is lately found to be on that fide farther from Sea, than it is 
upon other fides, being almofl an Ifland, and they might pafl^e from 
Greenland by the ftreight of Davis into the Country Labrador, 
which is now called India, being fifty miles diftant from thence, as 
GoOTora^ faith in hisHiflory. Thefamejournyingof the ten Tribes 
into India, is confirmed by that which P. Malvenda reports. That 
Arfareth is that Promontory which is neare to Scythia, or Tartary, 
neare the Sea, called by Pliny, Talis, where America is parted 
from the Countryof^wiara bya narrowSea; which alfo on that fide 
parts China, or Tartary from America ; fo that there might be an 
eafie paflage for the ten Tribes through Arfareth, or Tartary into 



the Kingdomes oi Anian, and Qtdvira; which in time might plant 
the new world, and firme land ; which in bigneffe equals Europe, 
Afia, and Africa put together ; Alonftis Auguslinianus counting 
from the flioare of the North Sea, from the Country of Labrador 
3928 miles, and from Sur ^000. miles; but Go7na»'a5 counts from 
India by the South, and Sur, 9300. miles ; which fpace is bigge e- 
nough for the ten Tribes, that they may there fpread in places hitherto 

SECT. 4. 

HE ftrengthens this opinion, that in the Ifle St. Michael, which 
belongs to the Azores, the Spaniards found Sepulchres under 
ground, with very ancient Hebrew letters, which Geweirar^Mj hath 
Printed, i« lib. i.chro. p. 159. From whence we gather, that in that 
infcription there is a miftake of the letter (T.) fo that the fenfe of it 
is. How perfect is God. Sehalbin is dead. Know God. Unlefle you 
will have them to be proper Names, and to fignifie him that is dead, 
and his Father, in which fenfe for (M) you muft read (B) and then 
the fenfe will be, Meetabel feal, the Son of Matadel ; such names 
ending in (el) are common in Scripture, as Raphael,Immanuel,a.nd 
the like. Let it suffice him who is pleafed with neither of thofe con- 
jectures, that Hebrew Letters were found there. And though that 
Ifland is remote from the Wejl-Indies, yet it might be by accident 
that they might put in thither. 

SECT. 5. 

THat feemes to be to the purpofe which Garcillaffos de la Foga 
faith in his Comment, on Peru, lib. 3. c. i. That in Tiahuanacu 
a Province of Collai, among other Antiquities, this is worthy of 
memory, ( being fcitualed at the Lake which the Spaniards call 
Chutuytu ) That among the great buildings which are there, one 
was to he feene of a very great pile, which hath a Court 15. fa- 
thoms broad ; a wall that compqffeth it, 3 furlongs high ; on one 
fde of the Court is a Chamber 45 foot long, and %% broad ; and 
the Court, the IVall, the Pavement, the Chamber, the Roofe of it, 
the entrance, the pojis of the % gates of the Chamber, and of the en- 
trance, are made only of one Jlone; the three fides of the Wall are an 
ell thick ; the Indians fay, that that House is dedicated to the 
Maker of the World. I conjefture that building to be a Synagogue, 

C 3 built 


built by the Ifraelites; for the Authors who writ about the Indies, 
tell us, that the Indians never ufe Iron, or Iron weapons. Alfo the 
Jwc?/a?«5were Idolaters, and therefore itcouldnot be that they fhould 
build an house to God. P. Acojla in lib. 6. hid. Iiiftor. c. 14. 
mentions fuch buildings as are in that place; and hereports that he 
measured a ftone which was 38. foot long, 18 foot broad, and fixe 
foot thick. PelrusCiezain hisfirft part of his Chronicles of PfrM,c. 
87. relates. That in the City Gtiamanga,v/hich is fcituated by the ri- 
ver Finaque, there is a vaft building, which becaufe then it feemed 
almoft ruined by time, it therefore had lafted many yeares. Heask- 
ingthe neighbouring /7ic!iaM5,Who built that great Pile? He learnt, 
that it was made by a people (who were bearded, and white as the 
Spaniards) who came thither a long time before (and ftaid fome 
time after) the Indians raigned there; and the Indians faid, that 
they had received it from theirFathers by Tradition. ThefameCfe- 
za, cap. 10. 5. of the Antiquity of Tiguanac, faith, that what the 
Indiansho3& to beveryancient,can by nomeanes be compared with 
that Ancient building, and other things. From all which you may 
well gather, that the firft Inhabitants of that place were the Ifrae- 
lites of the ten Tribes, becaufe they were white, and bearded. 

SECT. 6. 

TO this opinion adde an argument taken from what Logicians 
call ajimili; for he that will compare theLawes and Cuftomes 
of the Indians and Hehrewes together, fhall finde them agree 
in many things ; whence you may eafily gather. That the Indians 
borrowed thofe of the Hehrewes (who lived among them) before, 
or after they went to the unknowne Mountaines. The Indians of 
Jucalan, and the Jlcuzainilenfes doe circumcife themselves. The 
Totones of New Spaine, and Mexicans (as Roman and Gomaza 
in thegenerall Hiftoryof the/w^zaw^ teftifie) rend their garments,if 
there happen any fudden misfortune or thedeathof any, Gregorius 
Gracias in MoJiarchia Ingafonum, an Ifle of Peru, faith, that 
Guainacapacus hearing that liis fonne Atagualpa fled for feare of 
the Army of his enemy, he rent his garments. The Mexicans, and 
Totones, or the Totonacazenfes kept continually fire upon their Al- 
tars, as God commands in Leviticus. Thofe of Peru doe the fame, 
in their Temples dedicated to the Sun. The Nicaraguazenfes doe 
forbid their women who were lately brought a bed, to enter their 


Temples, till they are purified. TheinhabitantsofHi/pawioZathinke 
thofe doe fin, who lye with a woman a little after her childe-birth. 
And the Indians oinew Spaine doe feverely punish Sodomie. Many 
of the Indians doe bury their dead on the Mountaines; which alfo 
is iheyewi/h cuftomt; and Garcias faith, the name Chanan isfound 
in thofe Countries. You may wonder at this, that the Indians doe 
every fifty yeares celebrate a Jubilee,with great pomTp,mMexico,tht 
Metropolis of the whole Province. Alfo that on the Sabbath day all 
are bound to be prefent in the Temple, to performe their Sacrifices, 
and Ceremonies. Theyalfo were divorced from their wives, if they 
were not honefl:. The Indians of Peru, New-Spaine, and Guate- 
malaAiA marry the Widdowes of their dead Brethren. May not you 
judge from thefethings, that the^eifeilived inthofeplaces,and that 
the Gentiles learned fuch things of them ? Adde alfo to what hath 
been faid,that the knowledge which the Indians had, of the Creati- 
on of theworld,and of the univerfall Flood, they borrowed from the 


SECT. 7. 

THe fourth ground of this opinion is, that the Indians are of a 
browne colour, and without beards ; but in the new world, 
white, and bearded men were found, who had never com- 
merce with the Spaniards; and whom you cannot affirme to be any 
other than Ifraelites; becaufe alfo as they could never be overcome, 
fo fhall they never be fully knowne, as appeares by what foliowes. 
Petrus Simon a Francifcan, in his Hiftory of finding out the firme 
Land,faith,that in thereigneof CAarZe5thefifth,hecommandedone 
called Philippus de litre thither, to difcover, and plant thofe Coun- 
tries; that he found them unknowne toward the North oi America 
about five degrees, in the Province of Omeguas, which is neare the 
Province oi Venezuela, z.nA now is called Garracas. And he having 
learned of their neighbours, the greatnefle of that people both in 
wealth, and in war, he determined to war upon them. Who when 
they had marched agood way, at laft found arich City, full of people, 
and faire buildings; and not farre oflFtwo Husband-men tilling the 
ground; whom they would have made Prifoners, that they might 
be their interpreters. Butwhen theyfawthemfelves fet on,theyfled 
apace towards the City; but Philippus d'Ufre and his Souidiers 
followed them hard on Horse-back, and had almoft taken them ; 


whereupon the Hufband-men flood ftill, and with their Speares 
wounded PAiZi/) in the breaft, piercing through hisBreft-plate made 
of wooll tokeepofFArrowes. Hewondering at the dexterity of that 
people, judged it a wifer courfe, not to make war upon that Pro- 
vince, and people fo expert in warre, and who dared to refift armed 
men. Therefore he retreated with his Company. And to this day 
none goe to that people, neither is it knowne which way to goe to 
them. It is probable that they are Ifraelites whom God preferves 
in that place againfl the day of redemption. Alonfus de Erzilla 
teftifies the fame thing, in 2,. part, fua Araucanicz. Cant. %-]. where 
defcribing thofe places, he thus fpeakes in Spanish. 

Some Countries there, Jo populous are seen, 

As one continued City; which have been 

Never as yet difcovered ; but unknowne 

To other Nations ; have laine hid alone ; 

Not found by forreigne sword, nor forreigne trade 

Doe either fe eke, nor fuffer to he made, 

But unacquainted live, till Godjhall pleafe 

To manifeft his fecrets : shew us thefe. 

SECT. 8. 

TOannes Cq/iilianus Vicarius living in the City Pampelona of 
■*■ Nova Granada in Peru, faith, that when Gonzalus Pifarrus had 
revolted from his people, he fent fome to fearch out new Countries . 
of the Indians who lived East-ward, whofe number could never be 
knowne, becaufe that ( as fome fay ) their Country is above two 
thoufand miles in length, if you compute from the head of the river 
Maragnon, which runs neare Andes of Cufco, unto the place where 
it runs into the Sea, wheretherefore the River began to benavigable, 
Petrus d' Orfna being a Captaine, went by water, and his Souldiers 
with him, in Vessels called Canows; which when they were too 
the River Gwana^a, which wafhing the Province CAac^apoyas, runs 
into Maragnon. He was fcarce gone aboard his Brigandines, when 
oneof his own Souldiersnamed^^wirre, aftout man, killed him, who 
by common confent fucceeded the flaine. When they had gone a 
little way, they found a plaine without a mountaine, where many 
houfes flood on each fide of the banke of Maragnon, being built by 



the Indians. They ftill went on for forty eight houres together^and 
fawnothingbuttall,andwhitehoufes, which they feared togoeinto, 
becaufe the Inhabitants were numerous, and becaufe they heard the 
noyfe of Hammers; forwhichcaufetheythought the Inhabitants to 
be Gold-smiths. They went on ftill, and now fayled in the North 
Sea, but alwayes neare to the fhoare of the Province of Margareta, 
where^quirre was catcht by the Inhabitants and hanged; for they 
heard that he had killed his Captaine Petriis de Orfua. 

SECT. 9. 

CAfpar Bergarenjis ( whom I have oft fpoke with ) went from 
the City Laxa, which is in the Province of Qidti in Peru, and 
accompanied theColonell Don Diego Facade la Vega going tofeeke 
a new Country. 

In the yeare 1633. they came to the Province ^ arguafongo,v/hich 
had beendifcovered by Captaine SaZmei; and theypafledtheMoun- 
taines Cordillerce, where the River Maragnon is not above a ftones 
caft over. In the Province of the Inde Mainenfes they built a City, 
whofe namewas St.Francifcus deBorja,a.tEfquilache. In his com- 
pany were one hundred SpawfardiinCanows.Havingconqueredthofe 
Indians,?inA compelling them to fwearefealty totheKingof Spctiwe; 
the Colonell being inftructed by the Mainenfes, went to other pla- 
ces, after he had putaGarrisonintohisnewCity. Having failed fifty 
leagues in the River ( he found fome Cottages of the Indians which 
there hid themfelves)byfavourof many Riverswhich there run into 
Maragnon. When they had fayled into the River Guariaga,wheTe 
Petrus de Orfua had built his Brigandines, and was killed by A- 
quirre ; they asked the Indians whom they had taken ( who were 
called Guariaga,iTom the Rivers name) what people doe live on the 
Rivers side? they told the Colonell, that five dayesjourneyoff,there 
live men of tall ftature, comely in prefence,and have as great beards 
as the Spa7iiards have, valiant, and warlike, who are not fkilled in 
Canowes, though the rest of the Indians ufe no other ; he prefently 
returned the fame way he came, 

SECT. 10. 

IN Farnambuc about forty yeares fince, eight Tabaiares had a 
minde to looke out new Countries, and to fee whether the Land 
that was beyond, and unknowne, wereinhabited. They having fpent 

D foure 


fouremonethsin travelIingWeftward,theycatne to mountaines,to 
whofe top they got with difficulty, and found a plaine which a plea- 
fant river doth compafle, by whofe banke fide dwelt a people who 
loved commerce, they were white, and bearded; and this five of the 
Talaires (for three perished by the way, and only five returned) 
told to the Brafilians after nine moneths. 


IN our time, under King Philip the third, Captaine Ferdinades 
de Queiros being returned out of India (where he had fpent mofl: 
of his life) to Rome, he fhewed a Table of Lands yet undifcovered. 
From thence he went to Madrid, and five (hips were given him by 
the Governour of Panama ( to whom he was fent) to perfeft his 
defigne. He began hisjourney,and was fcarcelyentred the South Sea, 
but he found Land, which he called, The IJle of Solomon, and Hie- 
rz(/a/em,forreafons which he told me. He in his courfeof fayling al- 
wayes kept clofe to the fhoare of thofe Iflandsj he faw thofe Iflan- 
ders of a browne colour, and took many; others dwelt in greater If- 
lands,and more fruitful!; thefewerewhite,andwore long garments 
of filk ; and the Pilot beingbid to bring his Ship neare the fhoare, he 
fplit his Ship upon a Rock, (and the Iflanders running greedily to the 
fight) which being funke,theCaptainewentthence,looking for the 
firmeLand, which he found to be forty degrees beyond; and he went 
three hundred miles neare the fhoare ; aud when he perceived the 
Country to be inhabited by the fmoke which he faw, and would put 
intoaPort on the fide of the River, there ran tohimmany whitemen, 
of yellow haire, tall like Giants, richly cloathed, and of long beards. 
But one of the Vefl^els being wracked in the Havens mouth, he was 
forced to put out to Sea; whereupon the Iflanders fent two Cha- 
loffi of a browne colour, (as the inhabitants were of the firfl: Ifland) 
with fheep,and other provifions,and fruits,butdefiring,and threat- 
ningthem,if they did notdepart: The Captaine brought thofe Cha- 
loffi into Spaine, from whom the Spaniards could learne nothing but 
by fignes ; and infliead of anfwers, ( when they were asked ) would 
(hew their beards, as if fuch thofe were, who were their Lords, and 
had fent them, and if they were asked about Religion, they would 
hold up their fingers to Heaven,implying, that they worftiipped but 
oneGod. A little while after, they dyed in S/Jame. The Captaine re- 
turned to Panama, having left his two Ships which were wracked ; 


and when theGovernourfuedhim^by meanesof the Senators, who 
are over the Indian affaires, he was difinifled, and returned with his 
Shipsinto Spame, where heabode two yeares before his matters were 
difpatched. But the King created him Marquefle of the Countries 
found out by him, and commanded to give him a good Army, 
where-with to compafle his defignes. But he scarce got to Panama, 
when he dyed, not without fufpition of being poyfoned by the Go- 

SECT. 12,. 

'T'Hat which I am about to tell, fhall ferve for a proofe of that 
■*• which I faid of the Wejl-Indians. A Dutch Mariner told 
me, that not long fince he was with his fhip in America, feven de- 
grees towards the North between Maragnon, and great Para, and 
he put into an Harbour in a pleafant River, where he found fomelra- 
dians who underftood Spanijh, of whom he bought Meats, and Dy- 
woodj after he had flayed there fix moneths, he underftood that that 
River extended eighteen leagues towards the Carybes Indians, as far 
as the {hip could goe; and that the River is divided there into three 
branches, and they fayling two months on the left hand, there met 
them white men, and bearded, well bred, well cloathed, and aboun- 
ding with gold and filver; they dwelt in Cities enclofed with wals, 
and full of people ; and that some Indians of Oronoch went thither, 
and brought home much gold, filver, and many precious ftones. 
Which he having underftood, fent thither fome Sea-men; but the 
Indian dyed by the way, who was their guide, and fo they did not 
proceedjbut ftayed there two months,and trucked with the Indians 
whowerefixty leagues from Sea. That ProvinceiscalledywZ'ia,and 
is subject to Zealand; they have no commerce with the Spaniards, 
and the inhabitants travell fecurely every way. I heard that flory 
by accident from that Dutch Mafter of the Ship ; whence fome of 
us gueflRng them to be Ifraelites, had purpofed to fend him againe 
to enquire more fully. But he dyed fuddenly the laft yeare,whence 
it feemes that God doth not permit that thofe purpofes ftiould take 
any effect till the end of dayes. 


SECT. 13. 
Et I give more credit to our Montezinus, being a Portingal, 
and a Jew of our Order; borne in a City of Portingal, called 

D a Fille- 


Fillefleur, of honeft and known Parents, a man about forty yeares 
olcl,honeft,and not ambitious. Hewentto the 7Mt^jf5,where hewas 
put into the Inquif]tion,as thefucceflfor of man v who were borne in 
Portingal, and defcended from them, whom the King of Portingal, 
Don Manuel forced to turne Chriflians : (0 wicked, and wijust 
aSiion, faith Oforius; and a little after, Tliis was done neither ac- 
cording to Law, nor Religion,) and yet to this day they privately 
keep their Religion, which they had changed, being forced. thereto. 
Hebeing freed from the Tnquifition, very diligently fought out thefe 
things, and oft fpoke with thofe men, and then was not quiet till he 
came hither,and had told us that good newes. Heendured much in 
that journey, and was driven to great want, fo that no houfe would 
give him food, or give him money for his worke. I my felfew^as well 
acquainted with him forfixmonthstogetherthat he lived here; and 
fometimes I made him take an Oath in the prefence of honeft men, 
thatwhat he had told, was true. Then hewent toFarwamtMc,where 
two yeares after he dyed, taking the same Oath at hisdeath. Which 
if itbefo,whyfhould noti beleeveaman thatwasvertuous,and ha- 
vingall thatwhichmencall gaine. And whoknowesbut that (hortly 
the truth of that Prognofiick may appeare, which our Montezinus 
learned from th&Mohanes; answerable to that which yacohusVerus 
an Aflrologer oi Prague writ after the apparition of the Comet in 
Ann. 1618. and dedicated to his Highnefle the Prince Palatine, 
where he thus difcourfeth : The Comet going towards the South, 
doth intimate thattheCi ties andProvinceswhichGod doth threaten, 
are those of the Wejl-Indies, which fhall revolt from the King of 
Spafwe,who will finde that lofTe greater then heimagined, not that the 
Indians rebel! againft himofthemfelves, but that they are provoked 
toitbeingftirred upbyothers. Neitherdid the Comet only fore-tell 
that, but the eclipfe of the Sun, which was in that Country the yeare 
before. Thusfar the Aflrologer. Our ancient Rabbins fay, though 
we doe not beleeve the Aftrologers in ail things, yet we doe not 
wholly rejeft them, who fometimes tell truth. 

SECT. 14. 

THus farre of the WeJl-Indies, of which Ifaiah may be under- 
ftood ( becaufe it lyes in the midfl: of the Sea, and alfo hath 
many Iflands ) in Ifa. 60. 9. The ifles fhall waitefor me, and I 
thejhips of Tarjhijhjirji, to bring their Sons from far, their fiver 


and their gold with them, Jer. 31. 10. Heare the Word of the 
Lord ye Nations, and declare it in the ifles afar off, and fay, He 
that fcattereth Ifrael will gather him, Pfal. 97. i. The Lord reign- 
eth, let the earth rejoyce, and the multitude of ifles he glad. 
Where part of the ten Tribes doe dwell unknown to this day. 

SECT. 15. 

YOu muft know that all the ten Tribes were not carried awav at 
the fame time. Pul the King of Jffyria ( as I fhew in the fe- 
cond part of my Reconciler) conquered, and carriedaway theTribes 
of Reuben, Gad, and halfe Manaffeh, in the reigne of Peka, as you 
may fee in i Chron. 5. 26. and fosephus in li. 9. c. 11. Tiglah- 
pilefer eight yeares after took Ijon, Ahel-leth-maachah, Hazor- 
Gilead, Galilee, all the land of Naphtali, and he carryed away all 
the Captives into Assyria, in 3 King. 15. 29. At lafl: Shalmanefer 
King oiAj/yria, nine yeares after, in the reign of Hofhea the Son of 
£/aA, befieged Samaria three yeares; which being taken, he carried 
away. Hq/^ea, with the reft of the Tribes, in 3 King.i'j. 6. Of thofe 
three times the Prophet Ifaiah fpeakes, Ifa. 9. i. faying, the firft 
captivity was gentle, if you compare it with the lafl:, which was 
grievous, and unfiifTerable, when the Kingdome and Monarchy of 
Ifrael ceafed. 

SECT. 16. 

THe ten Tribes being conquered at feverall times, we muft 
thinke they were carried into severall places. As we beleeve 
they went to the IVefl-Indies by the ftrait of Anian, fo we 
thinke that out of Tarto-y they went to China, by that famous wall 
in the confines of both. Our argument to prove it, is taken from the 
authority of two Jefuites, who erefted their Colledgesin thofe Coun- 
tries. Nicholaus Trigantius a Dutch-man in his difcourfe of the 
Chrifl:ian expedition under-taken by the Jefuites to Sz'wa, faith, We 
findethat informertimetheyewf^cameintothefeKingdomes. And 
when that fociety had for fome yeares feated it felfe in the Court of 
the Pequinenfes, a certaine few came to P. Matthceus Riccius; he 
was borne in Chamfamfu the metropolis of the Province Ho«a«,and 
was furnamed Ogay; and now being licenfed to the degree of a Do- 
6i:or,he wenttoPe^MJw. But when he read in a certaine Booke writ 
by a Dodlor of China, concerning the European affaires, That our 

D 3 fathers 



fathers are not Sai-azens, a.nd know no God but the Lord of Heaven 
and Earth ; and would perfwade hinifelfe that ours did profefle the 
Law of Mofes, he went into the Church with P. Matthaas Ricci- 
us. On an Altar there was the effigies of the Virgin Mary, and the 
childe Jefus, whom St. John his fore-runner worfliipped with ben- 
ded knees; nowthatday wastheHoly-dayofyoAra theBaptift. The 
y^it'thinkingitwas the effigies oi Rehecca,as\A her two Sons,y acoh 
and Efau, he bowed also to the Image, but with this Apology, that 
he worfhipped no Images, but that he could not but honour thefe 
who were the Parents of our Nation. And he aflcing if the foure E- 
vangelifts on both fides of the Altar, were not foure of the twelve 
fons of Jacob; the Jefuite anfwered. Yes, thinking he had afked of 
the twelve Apoftles. But afterward the Jew acknowledged to the 
Jefuite that he was an Ifraelite; and he found the Kings Bible, and 
acknowledged the Hebrew Letters, though he could not read them. 
By this occafion our peoplelearntjthat ten or twelve familiesofi/rae- 
lites were there, and had built a very neat Synagogue which coft 
ten thoufand Crownes, in which they have kept the five Bookes of 
Mofes with great veneration for fix hundred yeares. He alfo affir- 
med, that in Hamcheu the Metropolis of the Province Chequiona, 
there are farre more Families,with a Synagogue; and elfe-where that 
many Families live without a Synagogue, becaufe that by little and 
little they are extinguiflied. He relating many things out of the Old 
Teftamentjhe differed but little in pronouncing thofe names. He 
faid, that fome among them were not ignorant of the Hebrew 
Tongue, but that himfelfehad neglefted it,havingfl:udied the China 
Tongue from a Childe. For which caufe he was counted almoft un- 
worthy of their fociety, by the Ruler of the Synagogue. B ut he chiefly 
looked after this, that hemight get to beDoftor. Three yeares after 
P. Matth(Bus Riccius fent one of our brethren to that Metropolis, 
who found all thofe things true. He compared the beginnings, and 
endings of the Bookes which the J ewes keep in their Synagogue, 
with our Pentateuch, and fawnodifrerence,thisonly, that thofe had 
no pricks. The other Jefuite is Alfonfus Cimedro, who likewife 
faith, that there is a great numberof^^ewei in theProvince of Oroera- 
fis, on the Wefl: part of China, who know nothing of the comming, 
and fuifering of Jefus. ^nd he from thence gathers, that they are of 
the ten Tribes, (which opinion I alfo am of) becaufe thofe Chinefes 
obferve many yezfj/^RiteSjwhich you may feeinamanufcript,which 


thenoh]ey aockimus Wicqfortius hath. And whymight not fomeof 
them faile homCkina to iVew-SpaJree, through the ftreight between 
China, and j4nian, and Quivira, which doe border upon New- 
Spaine ; and from thence they went to the Ifles of Panama, Peru, 
and thofe thereabouts. Thefeinmyjudgement are thoi&Chinefesoi 
whom Ifaiah fpeakes, Chap, 49. verf. la. ( treating about Ifraels 
returne to his Country.) Behold, thefejhall come from afarre, and 
thefe from the North, and from the Weft, and thefe from the 
Land of Sinim, -^nd fo Ptolomy in lih. 7. c. 3. tab, 11. cais it The 
country of Sinim, or Sina ; and this is the true fenfe of the words; 
Ahen Ezra therefore is miftaken, who derives it of Sene, a bufli or 
wood, which he placeth in jTlgypt. 

/ SECT. 17. 

I Could eafily beleeve,that thetenTribesastheyincreafed in num- 
ber, fo theyfpread into more Provinces before-mentioned, and 
into Tartary. For Abraham Ortelius in his Geography of the 
World,and Mapof Tartary,hs notes the placeof the£)am<eiwhich 
he cals the Hord,w,hich is the fame which the Hebrewymrfa,figni- 
fying^ defcent. And lower, he mentions the Hord of Naphtali, 
pofleffed by Peroza. in the yeare 476. Schikhardus in his Tarich or 
feries of the Kingsof Per^a,amp]ifies the Hiftory of this War, where 
ex lib. 4. of Agathias, he thus faith, A little after, whe?i they 
were eafed of that Plague, {fc. 7. yeares drought) in the time of 
the Emperour Zeno, Firuz made a double warre with Naphtali, in 
which at loft he was dejiroyed. For first of all he was brought to the 
ftreights of places unknowne ; who then fought for peace upon this 
condition ( and obtained it ) that he fhould fweare that he would 
never after provoke them ; and that he Oiould doe reverence to this 
Conquerour in token of fubj eSiion : which afterward by the coun- 
fell of the Magicians he performed craftily, for he bowed towards 
the Eqftem Sun, that his owne people might thinke that he bowed 
rather to the Sun ( after his Country cii/iom ) then to honour his 
Enemy. But he did not truly performe thatfirjl agreement, though 
confirmed by Letters Patents ; who becaufe he could not digeft the 
difgrace of bowing to his Enemy, he prepared a new Army and 
went agairifi them; but afecond time he being entrapped by the 
badnej/'e of the Country, he lofi his life ; and many with him, in a 
Gulf which the Naphthalites had prepared for him, having dref^ed 


it over with reeds, and fome earth throwne a top; they having left 
in the middle fome high grounds, and trees where their Scouts 
were, that their Jiratagem might not be found, and that the Perfi- 
ans might more confidently attempt the ditch. Thus a rajh King 
paid for his perfidy, he excelling more in daring, then in counfell, 
as Agathias/ai//i. The patent by which peace had been agreed, was 
hung upon a speare, and might be feene of him at diftance, that he 
might remember his Oath, repent, and defifi from his enterprife ; 
but he cared little for that. But when by his zinexpected fall he 
faw he Ihould dye, it is f aid that he pulled off from his right eare a 
pearle of huge bignefj'e, and whitenef/'e, and leaf any after him 
fhouldfinde it [more likely that his corps Jhould not be knowne) he 
threw it a great way off. The fame Author aflces, who thofe Naph- 
thalitesweve, a.nd by many arguments he provesthat they are there- 
licks of the fewes; faith he, / doe ivholly thinke that they are the 
relicks of the Je wes of the Tribe q/Naphtali, whom Triglath Pileffer 
the Affyrian carried into thofe places, in 2 King. 15. 39. For i. The 
name, zre the befl copies of Agathias, ivhich Lewenclavius hath 
mended, is the fame fully; in other Bookes it wants nothing but an 
{h) now it is fcarce pqffible that in a word of many fyllables that 
Jhould fall out by chance. 2. Their countenance difcovers it, for 
as Procopious I. C. faith, they are not blacke, or foule in their 
countenance, as the Auns are among ivhom they live, but the only 
white men of that Country ; that it may evidently appear e that 
they came frovi fome other place thither. 3. Their manners a- 
gree, for the fame Author faith, that they are not Nomades, as 
the Huns wAo are unconstant in their dwelling, and eate up one place 
after another ; but they inhabite one certaine place. Befides, theij 
obferve Law and equity, as the Romans ; and have pollicy, being 
well governed by their Prince: both which is rare among their 
neighbour Nations. Alfo they doe not lay abroad their dead, as 
the Barbarians doe, but they decently cover them with earth. Lqfi- 
ly, their j ornalls doe teftifie that many Jewes live there, efpecially 
in the mountaines, who have fearched to the mid-land countries of 
Eqjl-Afia., R. Benjamin, f 23. From thence ( the coqft of Perfia ) 
is 28. dayes journey to the mountaines Nifebor, which are neare the 
river Gozan. The Ifraelites which come from thence into Perfia, 
fay, that there in the Cities o/" Nifebor, are four Tribes (fc. Dan, 
Zebulon, Afor, Naphtali,) ofthefirft captivity, which Shalmanefer 


the Aflyrian carried thither, as in 2 King. 17. 6. he brought them 
to Habor, and Halah, the river Gozaxi and the Mountaines of 
Media. The compaJJ'e of that Country is twenty day es journey; and 
they pojfeffe Cities, and Caftles upon the Mountaines, by one fide 
of which, runs the river Gozan ; neither are they suhjeSi to the 
Nations, but have a Governour over them, by name R. Jofeph 
Amarkela a Levite, and there are among them fame who Jiudy 
wifdome. They fow, and reap ; yea they wage war to the Coun- 
try ofCuth. In the fame place Ortelius adds, in the Coi«i!;ry_T'a- 
bor^oZ-HburJ^ which Solinus commends, in c. 49. ) they dwell a 
people, who though they have loft the holy writings, they obey 
one King, who came into France, in Ann. 1530. and fpoke with 
Francis the first, was burnt at Mantua by the command of the 
Emperour Charles the fifth, because that he did privately teach 
Judaifm to Chriftian Princes,and to theEmperour himfelfe. Bote- 
rus faith the fame in his relations of the fartheft part of Tartary. 
But both these were deceived ; for Rabbinus Jofephus Cohon, a 
man worthy to be beleeved, relates this more truly in his Chrono- 
logy, faying, that the yew who came out of that Country, was the 
brother of the King of the Ifraelites, was called David the Reube- 
nite ; and having feene India in his paflage, he came to Portugal, 
where he converted the Kings Secretary to Judaifm, who fled from 
thence with him, taking the name of Selomoh Molho ; he in 
fliort time was fo well verfed in the Law, yea in the Cabala it felfe, 
that he made all Italy admire him. The Secretary together with the 
Reubenite, endevoured to draw the Pope, Charles the fifth, and 
Francis the firft to Judaifm. Selomoh Molho was taken at Man- 
tua, and burnt alivCjin the yearei540. He yet was offered his life,if 
he would turne Chriftian. The Reubenite was by Charles the fifth 
carried prisoner into Spairae, where he fhortly after dyed. Abraham 
FrifolOrchotolamTememherstheReubenite,{aying,FoTty five years 
agone David Reubenita, a Prince of the Ifraelites, came from Ta- 
bor, a Province of Tartary, into Europe, who faid that two Tribes 
are there; and other Tribes a little farther, under their Kings, and 
Princes,andalfoanunfpeakablenumberof people. Perhaps the Pro- 
vince labor is the fame that Habor; which is mentioned in 2 King. 
17. 6. that the ten Tribes were brought by Salmanefer to Habor, 
and Halah; now the Hebrew letters [h) and [t) are neere in fa- 
fhion. Eldad Danita of the Tribe of Dan,cavae out of thofe Coun- 

E tries 


tries five hundred yearesagone (a letter from whom, which we call 
Sephar Eldad Danita, is kept to this day ) and being examined by 
theRabbinSjWasfoundanapprovedman. The learned Kahhi David 
Kimhi, who lived 450. veares fince, in etymol. fuo in the word Se- 
giah, he faith, Rabbi Jonah writes of the name oi Rabbi JudaAben 
Karis, that he heard Eldad Danita fay, &c. And fo what I faid is 
true, as appeares by the teflimonies produced. 

SECT. 18. 

PArt of the ten Tribes alfo live in Ethiopia, in thtHabyJJin King- 
dome; as divers HaZijr^wi reported at florree. Bo^erwj in his re- 
lations fpeakes the same thing,that two potent Nations doeliveneare 
Nilus, and that one of them is that of the Ifraelites, who are gover- 
ned by a mighty King. A Cofmographer who hath added notes to 
Ptolomyes tables, faith thus in his table of New Africa ; that part 
of New Africk was unknowne of old, the head of Nilus not being 
knowne, which is in the Mountaines of the Moone,as the Ancients 
call them ; where there dwels a great number of Ifraelites, paying 
tribute toPreJlerJohn. Rabbi Abraham Fr if ol in the Book already 
quoted, faith, that in his time fome who had been in thofe Countries, 
reported the fame to Hercules the Duke of Ferraria. And without 
queftion from hence the Haij{^wjlearnedCircumcifion,theobferva- 
tion of the Sabbath, and many more fewifh ritS. Of these Ifaiah 
feemes to fpeake, in Ifa, 18. i, a. JVoe to the Land which under 
thefhadow of fails doth faile beyond the rivers of Ethiopia, by 
whom ( the Prophet faith ) are sent Ambafj'adors infhips of Bul- 
ru/hes, ( fuch as the Ethiopians ufe, commonly called Almadice.) 
Bring back a people driven out of their Country, and torn, and 
more miferable then any among us. Gifts fhal be brought to the Lord 
of Sebaoth, in the place where the name of the Lord of Sebaoth is 
worfhipped,in themount Sion. The ProphetZepAawy faith the fame, 
in Zeph. 3. 9, 10. Then will I give to the people that they speak- 
ing a pure language, may all call upon the name of God, whom they 
fhallferve with reverence ; from beyond the rivers q/" Ethiopia they 
Jhall bring to me for a gift, Hatray the daughter of my difperfed 
ones, ( that is, the Nations oi Ethiopia.) Which agrees with that 
of Ifa. And your Brethren, ( which are the ten Tribes ) /hall bring 
gifts to the Lord. 




SECT. 19. 

ANd without doubt theyalfo dwell in Media; from thence they 
pafled EupkrateSj'whitheT they were firft brought,as in 2 King. 
17. 24 and in the book of Tobit. Josephus alfo fpeakes of them in 
the Preface of his Book of the War of they ewe^, that thtJewesAxd 
think that their brethren,who dwelt beyond Euphrates, unA farther, 
would rebell againft; the Romans. Agrippa in his Oration to the 
people oiy erufalem,t\ia.t they would not rebell againft the Romans, 
fpeakes thus; What qjjociates doe ye expeSi to joyne with yozi in 
your rebellion, and war? doth not all the knowne world pay tribute 
to the Romans ? Perhaps fome of ye hope to have help from them, 
beyond Euphrates. And in lib. 2. Antiqidt. c. 5. fpeaking of those 
who in the time of Ezra returned from Babylon to j^erufalem, he 
faith. All Ifrael dwelt in Media ; for two Tribes only dwelt in A- 
fia, and Europe, and lived subject to the Romans ; as the other ten 
on the other fide Euphrates, where they are fo many, that they can- 
not be counted. It is not therefore to be doubted, the people encrea- 
fing aftertheir firft tranfportation, they fought out new places,which 
we have formerly mentioned. 

SECT. 20. 

LAftly,all thinke,that part of the tenTribesdwell beyond the ri- 
ver Sabbathian, or fabbaticall. Rabbi jfohanan the Author of 
the ferufalem Talmud, who lived 160. yeares after the deftruftion 
of the fecond Temple, faith in his treatifeof the Sanhedrim,cap.i'j . 
That the ten Tribes were carryed intothreeplaces,yc.totheSabbati- 
call river, to Daphne the suburbs oi Antioch, and thither where a 
cloud comes downe and covers them: And that they fhall be redee- 
med from thofe three places; for fo he opens that place oilfa. Cha. 
49. 9. That they may fay to the Captives, Goe forth, (fc. to them 
who are at the Sabbaticall river) to them that are in darknejfe, Ihew 
yourfelves, {fc. to them who are compafled with the cloud ) and to 
all, they fhall be refrefhed in the wayes, {fc. to them who live in 
Daphne oi Antioch which is in Syria.) Whence you may obferve, 
that the learned man P Empereur tranflated it ill, at the fides of 
^niioc/jjWhereas Dap^weis the proper nameof a pleafant Grove near 
Antioch. Sedar olam makes mention of that cloud, and calls them 
mountaines of obfcurity. And in Talmud tractat. Sanhedr. c. 11. 

E 2 R Jonathan 


R. yonathan hen Uziel, who lived a hundred yeares before the de- 
ftruftion of the fecond Temple, in Exod. 34. 10, where the Lord 
faith, / will doe wonders before all thy people, fuch as was never 
done in the whole earth, or in any Nation, &c. and he refers all thofe 
things to the tranfportation of the people. Hejhall draw them to 
the rivers of Babylon: andjhall carry them to the Sahlaticall ri- 
ver, andjhall teach them, that thofe miracles were never performed 
to any Nation of the known world. 

Our ancient Kak)\nsmBereftRalha{novat&n\>odky\nPerafach, 
do fay that Tornunfus asking how it fliould appeare that the day 
which we the feventh day, on which God refted after the cre- 
ation of the world ; Rabbi Aquebah ( who lived 52 yeares after the 
the ftones of the Sabbatical River, which in the fix dayes are toflfed 
up and down with acontinuall motion,but do refi: on the Sabbath day 
and move not. The fame is faid in the Babylonian Talmud, traSiat. 
Sanhed. c,y.& in Tanuh Perafach. e.g. In eodem Bereft Raba, in 
Perafach 37. Rabbi Simon faith. The ten Tribes were carried to the 
Sabbaticall river but fuda andBenjamin are difperfed inioall Coun- 
trys. In Afrim Raba, the laft verfe of the Song, its faid. Our bed 
is flourifhing; that it is meant the ten Tribes, which were carryed 
to the Sabbaticall river; and that river running all the week, doth 
caufethetenTribes there remaining to be fliut up; for though on the 
feventh day the riverdoth reft, yet it is forbidden byourLawto take 
ajourney then; and for that reafon they remained theremiraculoufly, 
as loft, and concealed from us. So that of Ifa. 49. That they fay to 
the prifoners, go forth, is interpreted of them in Jalcut. R.Aque- 
bahz-hex the fame mannerexplains that oi Levit.^6.^8.Andye/hal 
perifh among the h-eathen. And that of Ifa. 37. ult. And they fhall 
come, who were ready to perifh in Affyria. Becaufe they are re- 
mote from the reft, therefore another Rabbi in Bamibar Raba 
Parafa 16. applyes to them that of Ifaiah 49. 12. Behold them 
who come from farre : that fo all thofe Authors mention that 

The teftimony of Jofephus is famous, lib. 7. de Bel. Jud. cap. 24. 
faying. The Emperour Titus pqjjing between Area, and Raphanea, 
Cities of King Agrippa, hefaw the wonderfull river, which though 
it be fwift, yet it is dry on every feventh day ; and that day being 
pqft, it refumes its ordinary courfe, as if it had no change ; and it 



always olferves this order. It is called Sahbaticall ; from the 
folemne feq/l of the Jews, lecaufe it imitates their reft every 
feventh day. I knowfome do otherwife expound thofewords of 5^o- 
fephus,hat they hit not his meaning, as appears by this, that he calls 
the River^SabbathiOjOrfabbaticall: which word cannot be derived 
but from Sabbath; and who doth not fee that it ceafeth to flow, or 
move, on the Sabbath day; and fo Jofephus muft be underftood ac- 
cording torn yfenfe. PZirayalfo confirms this opinion, ^ii.i.A^a<./jz/?. 
c. a. he faith, In Judea a River lies dry every Sabbath; yet I think 
PZmyisdeceivedand ill informed, when hefaith it isaRiverin Judea; 
neither is to be found in Judea, but in another place, where many 
Jewes live. R. SelomohJ-archi who lived 540. years since mentions 
that River in Comment. Talm. faying. The flones, and fand of 
thatRiverdocontinually moveall the fixdayesof theweek,until the 
feventh. R. Mardochus Japhe in his learned book Jephe Thoar 
faith, The Arabians derive Sabbathion from the Sabbath, who ufe 
to adde the patteter(ion) to adjectives. The fame faith, that it was 
told him of an hour-glafle filled with the fand of Sabbathion, which 
ranne all the weeke till the Sabbath. And I heard the fame from 
my father; which teflimony laccount asgood,asif Ifawit myfelfe; 
(for fathers do not ufe to impofe upon their fons.) He told me that 
there was an Arabian at Lisborn, who had fuch an hour-glaffe; and 
thatevery Friday atevening he would walkintheftreet called thenew 
fl;reet,and fliew this glaffe to Jewes who counterfeited Chriflianity, 
and fay. Ye 'Jewes,fhut up your JJiops, for now the Sabbath comes. 
Another worthy of credit, told me of another hour-glafle, which he 
had fome yearsbefore, before the VorlMysketa. The Cadi,or Judge 
of that place, faw him by chance paffing that way, and asked him, 
whatitwas? hecommanded ittobetakenaway; rebuking the Ma- 
homitans, that by this, they did confirme the Jewifh Sabbath. I 
fhould not fpeak of thefeglafl^es, if the authority of fuch a man whom 
I have alledged, did not move me ; though I beleeve that God did 
not only work that miracle, that hemight keeppartoftheten Tribes 
there, but other alfo,as you may fee in Efdras. R.Mofes Gerunden- 
_^i a learned Cabalifl:, and Interpreter of the Law in ParafaAazinu, 
thinks theRiverSabbathion to be thefame with Gozan, of GM»;,which 
fignifies to fnatch away, becaufe except the feventh day, on all the 
other, it carryes with it, by its fwiftnefl!e, the very ftones. Of this 
there is mention in 2 King, whither the King olAffyria led his cap- 

E 3 tives 



tives ; and fo relates Benjamin Tudelenfis in his journall, that part 
of the ten Tribes dwelt at the bank of that River. But I know not 
where the River Gozan is. In the year 5394, that is,i5 years agon in 
theCityLMim,twoPoZowiawjafterthey had travelled long,they wrot 
inDutchabookoftheoriginiali of theSabbaticall River, but the Se- 
nate commandedit to be burnt at the Mart of Breflaw,by the perfwa- 
fion of the Jefuites. Alraham Frifal in his Orchot 01am. c, 2,6. 
will have this river to be in India, he faith, The head of the Sah- 
baticall river is in the country of Upper India, among the rivers 
of Ganges. And a little after, The Sahhaticall river hath its origi- 
nallfrom the other Jide of Kalikout {which lyes far above the bound 
of Lawiz^, which heplaceth beyond thefnusBarbaricus)a?id it parts 
the Indians from the Kingdome of the J ewes, which river you may 
certainly find there, Though he takes Gozan for Ganges, for fome 
nearnefleof writing; yetitsnottobedoubted thatinthatplacethere 
are many Jewes, witxi&fftf ohannes deBairos in his Decads. Eldad 
Dawz^afpeaking of the four Tribes: which heplacethat Goxawfaith, 
The SaJjbaticall river is among them. Jofephus faith^ that Titus 
faw the Sabbathion between ^rcaandi?apAawea. Whichteftimony 
feems thetruer,becaufeitsnot to bethoughtthatyo/epAtw would tela 
lie of him, by whom he might be rebuked. I think that ye muft look 
for it not far from the Cafpian Sea: and I am notalonein this opini- 
on. What ever it be it appeares that this river is fomewhere, and 
that part of the ten Tribes are hid there; and I may fay with Mofes 
in Deut. 39. 28, 29. And the Lord cq/i them out of their Land in 
anger, and in wrath ; Secret things belong to the Lord our God. 
For it is not known when they fliall return to their Countrey; neither 
can it perfectly befhewed where they are, God fufFering it,as its faid 
in Deut. 3a. 2,6. I determined to cqft them forth unto the ends of 
the earth, and to make their remembrance ceafe from among men. 
Asifhe{houldfay,Iwilcafl;them unto thefurtheftplacesof the world 
thatnonemayrememberthem; and thereforethey are truly in Scrip- 
ture called imprifoned, and lofi. 

SECT. %i. 

N Either is there weight in the Argument which fome have 
brought to me, if they be in the world, why doe we not know 
them better?There are many things which we knoWjand yet know not 
their original j are we not to this day ignoran tof the heads of thefour 


B.iveTs,Nilus, Ganges, Euphrates, and Tegris? alfo there are many 
unknownCountryes.BefideSjthoughfomelive in knowneand neigh- 
bour Countrys, yet they are unknown by being behind Mountains; 
fo it happened under the reign of Ferdinand, and Ifahel, that fome 
Spaniards were found out by accident,atjBatoeca, belonging to the 
Duke oiAlva, which place is diftant but ten miles from Salamanca, 
and near to Placentia, whither fomeSpaniards fledj when the Moor^ 
poflefled Spaine, and dwelt there 800 years. If therefore a people 
could lie hid fo long in the middle of Spaine, why may we not fay 
that thofe are hid, whom God will not have any perfectly to know, 
before the end of days ? 

And thefethings we have gathered concerningthe habitations of 
the ten Tribes, who, we beleeve, do ftill keep the Jewifli Rites, as in 
2 King. 17. a6. when the Ifraelites were carryed captive by Salma- 
nefer, and thofe of Cuthah came in their ftead, an Ifraelitifti Prieft 
wasfent by theKing,toteachthem,becaufeLyons infefted them,for 
that they were ignorant that there was another worfhip ufed in the 
land : but when the Prieftfaw that it wasimpoffible to take that people 
wholly off from Idolatry, he permitted them to worfhip diversgods,fo 
that theywouldackpowIedgeone,tobethemoverof all things. The 
fame is alfo fufficiently proved out of all theHiftorieswhichwehave 
alledged. And our brethren do keep thelawmorezealoufly out of their 
land, then in it, as being neither ambitious, nor contentious (which 
hath fometimes happened withthefamilyofZ)a2'irf)bywhichmeans 
they might eafily erre in the true Religion, not acknowledge Jeru- 
falem, and withdraw that obedience, which is due to the Lord, and 
to his Temple. 

SECT. 2a. 

WEE learne out of the firfi: of E»ira,that none of the ten Tribes 
entred the fecond Temple; for it is faid that only fome of the 
Tribe oiyudah, and fome oi Benjamin did returne. Ezra alfo faith 
the fame in the first of Chronicles, that Salmanefer carryed the ten 
Tribes to Hala, Hahor, and Hara,and to the river Goxaw to this day: 
fothat youmaygatherthatatthattimethey were there. Solikewife 
J-ofephus in Antiq; Ind. lib. 11. c. 5- 

Perhaps fome will fay, fince Media and Perjia, are near to Ba- 
bylon, why did they not return tojertifalem with the two Tribes? I 
anfwer,becaufe fo few of the two neighbouringTribes did return from 


thence toyen{/a^em,forthattheywerewel {ea.ted'n\ Babylon; orelfe 
becaufe they heard the Prophets fay, that they muft not look for any 
redemption butthatwhichwas to beattheendof dayes. How then 
can wethinke that they who were more remote, and alfo had learnt 
the fame things of the Prophets, fliould leave their place, perhaps to 
fufFer new miferies, and calamities ? Befides, we doe not read that 
Cyrus gave leave to any to return, butonlyto the twoTribesofywofa 
and Benjamin. And alfo it is probable ( as fome Authors affirme ) 
thattheycould notgoeupfromthence,becaufethey had continually 
Wars with the neighbour people. 

SECT. 23. 

Hitherto we have Ihewed that the tenTribes are in divers places, 
as in the fVe/i-Indies, in Sina ; in the confines of Tartary, be- 
vond the river Sabhathion, and Euphrates, in Media, in the King- 
dome of the Habyffins ; of all which the Prophet Ifaiah is to be 
underftood, in Ifa. 11. 11. Itjhall come to paJJ'e in that day, that 
the Lord Jhall Jet his hand thefecond time to recover the remnant 
of his people, which Jhall be left from KSynn, from Ysgy^t, from 
from the I/lands of the Sea. From whence you may gather, that it 
is meant of thofe places where the ten Tribes dwell. Syria and ^- 
gypt fhail be the two places of their generall meeting; as more fully 

Pathros, is not Pelnfium, nor Petra, but Parthia, neare to the 
Cafpian Sea, wherelthinke, with manyothers, the Sabbaticall river 
is. Although there is a Pathros in yEgypt, as the learned Samuel 
Bochardus faith in his holy Geography. 

Chiis, according to common opinion, is ^S^Aiopia, as is proved 
outof ^er, 13. 33. and in this place of ye?ew?/ are meant the Ifrae- 
lites, who live in the Country of the AbyJJins. 

Elam, is a Province in Perfa, as it appeares in Dan. 8, a. 
where are defert places, in which, perhaps, the remnant of the ten 
Tribes is. 

Shinar, is a Province about Babylon, as in Gen. 10. 10. where 
Babel is faid to be in Shinar; and Dan. i. 3. it is faid, that Nebu- 
chadnezzar carryed the holy Veflels to the Land of Shinar. 

Hama^Ajthereareman yHamaths mentioned in the Scripture,ma- 
ny underftand itoiAntioch; but becaufe Geographers reckon upia. 


places named ^rah'ocA, therefore we can affirme nothing for certain; 

but I thinke, that that is meant, which is placed in Sythia. The fe- 
venty Interpreters by Hamath, underftand the Sun, from Hamath 
the Sun; and they tranflate it, From the rifing of the Sun; and I 
thinke it is no ill tranflation ; for hereby all th&Ifraelitesvfho are in 
greater Afia, India, and Sina, may be underftood. 

The I/lands of the Sea; fo almoft all tranflate it; but I thinke it 
is to be rendred The Iflands of the Weft, for (jam) in holy Scripture 
fignifies The IVeJi, a.s in Gen. a8. 14. and in many other places; and 
upon this account thofe Ifraelites are implyed, who are Weftward 
from the Holy Land, among whom the Americans are. 

SECT. 24. 
'TpHe Prophet adds in Ifa. 11. i3. And hejhallfet up afignefor 
-'■ the Nations, and hejhall affemble the out-cqjis of Ifrael, and 
gather together the difperfed of ^ud,ah. from thefoure quarters of 
the earth. Where he notes two things; i. That he cals the i/rae- 
lites out-cafl:s, but the lewes fcattered; and the reafon is, becaufe 
the ten Tribes are not only farre off from the Holy Lan d, but alfo they 
live in the extremities and ends of Countries; from whence the Pro- 
phet cals them cqft-out. But he doth not fay, that the Ifraelites are 
to be gathered from the fourequartersoftheEarth, becaufe theyare 
not fo difperfed through the World, as the Tribe oiludah is, which 
now hath Synagogues, not only in three partsof the World,butalfo in 
America. The Prophet adds in ver. 13, The envy alfo of Ephraim 
fhall depart, and the adverfaries of }\xAahJhall he cut off. For then 
therefhall be no contention between Iudah,axi d the ten Tribes,which 
are comprehended under the name of £/)Aram,becaufe their fi rftKing 
feroloam was of that Tribe. And then, as it is in Kzek. 37. aa. 
One King fhall he King over them all, and they fhall he no more two 
Nations, neither fhall they he divided any more i?ito two Kingdoms. 
There (hall be one King to them both, of the ia.mi\yoi David. Alfo 
the Lord at that redemption will dry up Nilus, and Euphrates, and 
will divide it into feven ftreames ( anfwerable to his drying up the 
red Sea when they came out of jEgypt ) perhaps that the feven 
Tribes, which are in thofe parts, may goe over it; as they pafle into 
their Country, as Ifaiah laith in ch.ay. la, 13. ^rarf it fhall be in that 
Euphrates ) unto the river of Egypt ( Nilus ) and ye, children of 
Ifrael,7%aZi he gatheredonehyone. Which was neverdonein the cap- 
tivity of Bahylon. F The 


The Prophet Ifaiah faith in chap. 1 1. 1 1. that he will return them 
the second time, &c. Now the redemption from Babilon, cannot be 
called fuch anone,becaufeallof them were not brought back to their 
Country. Buttheredemption{hallbeuniverfalltoalltheTribes,asit 
waswhentheywentoutof^g-y/3ijwhichredemptionfhall belikethe 
firftin many things,as I fhewed in the third part of my2?^corac27er ; and 
fo it maybe called the fecond,in reference to that firfi: irom^gypt. 
Whence^ eremiaA faith, Cha. 33.7,8. TAai thenitjhallnot hefaid,He 
that brought Ifrael out of Egypt, but from the North, and from all 
Countries, whither he had driven them. That they {hall not mention 
their departure from ^gypt, for the cause fore-mentioned. 

SECT. as. 
''T^He fame Prophet, /e. Ifa. 43. 5, 6. faith, I will bring thy feed 
"*■ from the Eqft, and will gather thee from the JVeJi: I will fay 
to the North, Give up ; and to the South, Keep not back ; bring 
my Sons from farre, and my Daughters from the ends of the earth. 
For Media, Perfa, and China, lye on the Eaft; Tartary and 
Scythia on the North; the Kingdome of theyibyjftns on the South; 
Europe on theWeft,from theHoly Land. But when he faith,jBrmg 
ye my fons from farre, he underflands America; fo that in thofe 
verfes he underftands all thofe places, in which the Tribes are detai- 
ned. Alfo in Chap. 49. from ver. 7. to the end of the Chapter, he 
faith, that that returne fhall be moft happy. And in ch. 56. verf, 8. 
God faith. He that gathers the out-cqfts of Ifrael. And the Pro- 
phet Jeremiah, in ch. 33. ver. 16. In thofe dayes fhall Juda befa- 
ved,and JerufalemT^aZZ dwell fafely. It is certaine,and J eromesS- 
fents to all our Authors, that when fudah is joyned with Ifrael, by 
Ifrael the ten Tribes are meant The fame adds in chap. 3 1 . ver. 15. 
inthecomfortingofi?acAeZ,whowept forthecarryingawayherfonSj 
Jofeph, and Benjamin, the firft by Salmanefer into Affyria, the laft 
by Nebuchadnezzar into Babilon, he faith, in verf. 16. Refraine thy 
voyce from weeping, and thine eyes from teares,for thy work fhall 
he rewarded. And it followcs in Chap. 33. ver. 7. And I will caufe 
the captivity 0/" Judah, and the captivity of Ifrael to returne, and I 
will build them up as at the firft. Ezekiel faith the fame in Chap. 
34. 13. and in Chap. 37. 16. under the figure of two flicks, on 
which were written the names oifudah,&ni Ephraim,hy which he 
proves the gathering together of the twelve Tribes to be subje6t to 


MeJJiak the Son oi David, in ver. 2%. he faith, And one Kingjhall 

he King to them all ; according as Hofea faith in Chap. a. So 
alfo faith Amos, in chap. 9. verf 14, 15. And I will bring againe 
the captivity of my people Ifrael, and they Jhall luild thewqfl Ci- 
ties, and inhabite them ; and they Jhall plant vine-yards, and 
drink the wine thereof: they Jhall make gar dens, and eate the fruit of 
them. And they Jhall Lena more pulled up out of their hand, which 
I have given them, faith the Lord thy God. So alfo Mica, in cha. 
a. 1 3. 7 willfurely ajfemhle, O Jacob, all of thee, I will gather the 
remnant of Ifrael, I will alfo place him as the flock in the sheep-fold. 
For that in the captivity oi Babilon all were not gathered together. 
The Prophet Zechariah in chap. 8. 7. and in chap. 10. 6. and all the 
reft of the Prophets do witnefle the fame thing. 

SECT. 26. 

DUtwhichwaythatredemptionfliall be,nomancantell; but only 
■^^fo farre aswe may gather out of the Prophets. That at that time 
theten Tribes fhall cometo^erii/aZemundertheleadingof aPrince, 
whom fome Rabbins in the Talmud, and in some places of the 
Chaldy Paraphrafe, doe call MeJJiah the Son of Jofeph; and elfe- 
where MeJJiah the Son of Epkraim ; who being flaine in the laft 
War of Gog and Magog, fhall fhew himfelfe to be MeJJiah the 
fonne of David, who (hall be, as Ekekiel, and Hofea fay. The ever- 
Iqjling Prince of all the twelve Tribes. Our wife men doe, in many 
places, efpecially in the BabilonianYa\Tand, in traSi.fuca. c. 5. make 
mention of thatMe^aA the forme of Ephraim; where theyfay,that 
he fhall dye in the laft war of Gog, and Magog ; and they fo ex- 
pound that of Zach. 12. 10. And they Jhall looke upon me whom 
they have pierced, and they Jhall mournefor him, as one mourneth 
for his only fonne. They adde alfo, that the foure Captaines, of 
whom the fame Prophet fpeakes in chap. 1 1 . are, MeJJiah the fon of 
David, MeJJiah the fon of Jofeph, the Prophet Elias, and the high 
Prieft; which foure are thofe dignities, which fhall fhew their power 
in that blefTed age, Obferve, that fometinie they call MeJJiah the 
fon of Ephraim, fometime of fofeph ; for he fhall come out of the 
Tribe of Ephraim, and fhall be Captaine of all the ten Tribes, who 
gave their name to£/)Arai7n,becaufe that their firft King yeroioam 
was of that Tribe. Not without caufe doe they call him the fon of 
Jofeph, for he was the true type of the houfe of Ifrael, in his impri- 

F 2 fonment, 


fonment,and future happineffe. Adde to this, that he was fo long hid 
from his brethren, that they did not know him: as inHke manner the 
ten Tribes are at this day, who are led captive, but hereafter fhall 
come to the top of the fame manner a.s fofeph did. That 
MeJJiah of Jofeph fhall dye in the battel of Gog, and Magog, and 
afterward fhall rife againe, that he may enjoy the dignity, not of a 
Kingly Scepter, but the office only of a Vice-roy, as Jofeph in yS- 
gypt; for that theEmpireofthehoufeofi/raeZ fell under the reigne 
of Hofea the fon ofElah; as the Prophet Amos faith in chap. 5. a. 
Therefore the Kingdome of the ten Tribes fliall not be reflored, as 
Ezekiel faith in Chap. 37. under the reigne of MeJ/iah the fon of 
David, who fliall be everlafting ; and by the death of MeJJiah the 
fon of Jofeph, the ten Tribes fhall fee, that God will not that they 
fhould have more Kings then one. As its already fpoken. 

SECT. 27. 

^TpHofeTribes then fliall be gathered fromall quarters of the earth, 
"*■ intoCountriesnearetotheHolyLand; namely,into^^?/na,and 
^gypt; and from thence they fhall goe into their Country; of 
which Ifaiah fpeakes, in chap. 27. 13. And itjhall he in that day, 
that the great trumpet Jhall he hloivn, and they who were loJi,Jhall 
come into the Land of Affyria ; and they who were cqft out, into 
Egypt; and Jhall worjhip the Lord in the holy mount at Jerufalem. 
As if he fhould fay, as trumpets found, to call any army together: 
fo they fhall come together, who were dead ( that is, difperfed 
through all AJia) into AJfyria; and the out-cafts (that is, which 
are in America ) fhall come by the Mediterranean Sea to Alex- 
andria oi^gypt; and in the like manner thofe who are in Africa, 
when Nilus fliall be dried up, and Euphrates {ha.\\ be divided; as 
we have alreadyfaid. Andbecaufethegatheringtogetherof thecap- 
tivity, fhall begin at thofe who are in America, therefore Ifaiah 
faith. The IJlands Jhall trijt in me, and thejhips q/'Tarfis ( that is of 
the Ocean) Jirjt of all, that they may hring thy fans from far re, and 
with them, their fiver, and gold. They fhall then come with fpeed 
from thofe Countries, profl:rating themfelvesatthe mountaine of the 
Lord in Jerufalem, as the Prophet Hofea faith of that redemption 
in chap. 11. 11. They Jhall come as hirds out of Egypt, and as 
Doves out o/Aflyria; fo faith Ifaiah in Chap. 60. 8. IVho are 
thofe that fly as a cloud, and as Doves to their nejis? They which 


come firftjfhall alfo partakeofthisjoy,tofee others to come to them 
every moment; for which caufe the fame Prophet faith, L?/i!Mp<Airae 
eyes round abozil, and lehold them who gather them/elves to thee. 
And because the two Countrys of ^ITy'^"' ^n<^ ^Syp^i ^1^11 first 
of all kindly receive the people oi Ifrael, and fhall know the truth, 
firft of all imbracing the Religion of thejewes,facrificingand pray- 
ing to God, therefore the prophet i/aia/j faith, in c.ig. 2,^.BleJjed be 
Egypt my people, and AJJyria the worke of my hands; hut Ifrael 
is my inheritance. For fo thofe words are to be underftood. 

SECT. 38. 

ALL thofe are the fayings of the holy Prophets, from whence 
doth appeare the returne of Ifrael into their Country. It is 
given tonone to know the time thereof, neither is it revealed toRab- 
by Simeon ben Johay, the Author of the Zoar j becaufe that God 
hathreferved thatmyftery tohimfelf, as Mq/^ifaith. J< w Aic^tf i<A jwe. 
And Ifaiah in ch. 63. 4. For the day of vengeance is in my heart, 
and the year in which the redemption Jhall come. Which the Rab- 
bins thus interpret, / have revelled it to my heart and not to An- 
gells : and elfewhere, If any man tell you when MeJJiah fhall 
come, beleeve him not. So alfo the Angel faith to Daniel ch. 12. 
9. All things are clofed up andfealed to the time of the end. There- 
fore all thofe, who fearch after that time, as Rabbi Seadiah, Mofes 
Egyptius, Mofes Gerundenjis, Selomoh Jarchi; Abraham bar 
Ribi Hi/ah, Abraham Zacculo, Mordehai Reato, and Ifaac A- 
barbanel, have been miftaken; for that they would go beyond hu- 
mane capacity, and reveale that, which God concealed. And even 
to Daniel himfelfe ( to whom was made knowne the fecret of the 
change of the four Monarchies ) it was fo revealed to him, that hee 
confeffed he did not underftand it. Our Ancients did point at this 
from the Letter (m) in Ifa. 9. 7. where he faith, Of the increase of 
his government : which(m)in the Hebrew, being fuch an (m)which 
they write onely in the end of words, and a clofe letter, yet is put in 
the middle of the word, againfi; common praftife: becaufe that the 
time of the fifth Monarchy fhall be hid, till the time when it fliall 

F 3 SECT. 



SECT. 29. 

'VT'E^ this lean affirm, that itjhall he almit the end of this age; 
-1 and fotheProphetfpeaksof thatageaiozif f/ierado/tfaye^.-and 
that aftermanylabours,anda longcaptivity. SojBa/aawprophefies, 
Numb. 24. 17. I fee, but not now; I behold, but not near; a Star 
Jhall come out of Jacob. Ifa. 24. aa. They Jhall be cqft into prifon, 
and they Jhall be vifted after many dales. And Ifa. 49. 14. And 
Sion faid, The Lord hath forfaken me, and my Lord hath for- 
gotten me. Hof. 3. 4j 5. The children of Ifrael Jhall be many days 
without a King, and without a Prince: And after that they Jhall 
feek the Lord their God, and David their King. The King and 
Prophet complains of that delayjinP/a.44. P/a.69.P/a. 74. P/a. 77. 
Pfal. 83. And after that in Pfal. 89. 50. 51. he thus concludes, Re- 
member, God, the reproach of thy fervants, who fiiffer fo many 
injuries of fo many people : wherewith they have reproached the 
Jteps ofthyMeJfiah. As yet at this day it is faid, that ALTHOUGH 
BY THIS TIME. Though we cannot exaftly (hew the time of 
our redemption, yet we judge it to be near. For, 
■■ I Wefeemanyprophefiesfulfilled,and othersalfowhicharefub- 
fervient to a preparation for the fame redemption; and it appears by 
this, that during that long and fore captivity, many calamities are 
fore-told us under the four Monarchies. David faith in Pfal. 120. 
7. Lord when I fpeake of peace, they fpeake of war. And elfe- 
where, IVe areflaine all the day for thy name, and are accounted 
forjheep which are Jlain. In Ifa. 53. 7. He Jhall be led as ajheep to 
the /laughter, and as a lamb before hisjiiearers : he Jhall be dumb, 
andjhall not open his mouth. O howhavewefeenthefe things in the 
banifhments oi England, France and Spaine 1 and how have they 
proved thofe crimes, which mofi: falfe men have faid that ours did 
commit! Behold theyhave flaine them, not for wickednefles,which 
they did not commit, but for their riches which they had. O how 
have wefeenall thofethingsdoneby divineprovidence,forthat thofe 
misfortunesforthemoft part happened on theninth day of the month 
Ab, an ominous, and unhappy day, on which the firfl, and fe- 
cond Temple were burnt, and the fpies wept without a caufe. 




SECT. 30. 

WHat fhall we fay of that horrible monfter, the Spanifli Inqui- 
fition, what cruelty hath not daily been ufed againft a com- 
pany of miferable ones, innocents, old men, and children, of every 
fex and age, who were flaine,becaufe they could not divine who was 
theirfecretaccufer? Butletusfee, why in althofe places (in which that 
Spanifli tyrannicall Empire rules,)they were flain,who would obferve 
the law of Mofes; and by how many, and how great miracles hath 
that law been confirmed; and what unrighteousnefle is there in it? 
We dailyfee examples of conftancyin ours,worthy of all praife,who 
for the fanftifying of Gods name, have been burnt alive. Truly ma- 
ny whoareftill living,canwitnefleall thofe things. In the year 1603. 
At Lishone, Diogo d'Affiimean, a Monk of 34. years, was burnt 
alive, who defended himfelfe in the Inquifition againft fome, who 
would have reduced him toChriftianity,who was born a Chriftian, 
and made ajew; which all wonder at; thelnquifitorsbeinggrieved 
that they had publiflied the reafons which he had alledged, would 
have recalled their fentence; but it was then too late; for it was di- 
vulged through the world, which I my felfe have by me. Alfo the 
LiOrdLopede FerayMacrondeierves the praiseof Martyrdome,who 
being born of a noble, and eminent Family,and very learned in the 
Hebrew, and Latine tongues, did imbrace our Religion; neither 
thought it fufficient to be fuch himfelfe, but difcovered himfelfe to 
many others ; thereupon in Ann. 1644 in the twentieth of this age, 
he being imprifonedat Falladolid,tho\igh he lived in thedarke, yet 
hedifcovered light tomany; neither could the great numberof Do- 
lors, nor the greater affliction of his parents, move him from his 
enterprife, either by tears or by promifes. He circumcifed himfelf 
inprifon(Oftrangea£t,and worthy of all praife!) and named him- 
felfe heleeving Judas ; and at laft, as a fecond Ifaac, oflered him- 
felfe to the flames, contemning life, goods, and honours, that bee 
might obtain immortall life, and good things that cannot perifti; in 
the 2^^' yeer of his age. Now though thofe were not of the family 
of Ifrael, yet they obtained an immortall glory, which is better then 
this life. 

Alfowe have many examples of ourown,whichdid equalize them, 
of which that is one, which is done in our time, and is worthy to be 
remembred ; Ifaac Cqftrenfis Tartas { whom I knew, and fpoke 


with ) a learned young man, and verfed in the Greek, and Latine; 
he being but newly come to Fernambuc, was taken by the Portu- 
gefe, and carryed to Lishone, and burnt alive; he was a young man 
of 34. years old ; fcorning riches, and honours, which were offered 
to him, if he would turneChriftian. They who fay he was a tray tor, 
do lye egregioufly; for he did defend that place where he wasGover- 
nour, moft valiantly; as ours do deport themfelves in thofe fortified 
places which are committed to their charge. The fame Martyrdom 
was undergone atLima, hy Eli Nazarenus, in Ann. i6^g.J^ami,2^. 
who after he had lived 14 whole years in prifon, all which time bee 
eat no flefh, left he (hould defile his mouth ; he called himfelfe by 
that name, after he had circumcifed himfelfe. Such a Martyr alfo, 
this year, was Thomas Terbinon in the City of Mexico. 

SECT. 31. 

IF the Lord fulfilled his word in calamities, he will fulfill it alfo in 
felicities. Therefore Rabbi Aquibah laughed, when bee faw a 
Fox run outof theTemple being deftroyed, though his companions 
wept ; he faying. Now is fulfilled that prophecy of Jeremiah, 
Lament. 5. 18. And the foxes Jhall run therein; and he added, and 
thofe bleflings alfo fhall follow, which theLord hath promifed. We 
fee all the curfes of God come to pafle, which are mentioned in Le- 
viticus and Deuteronomy ; as well as thofe, which concerne our 
beingfcattered totheendsof theearth(whichisPoriMgaZZ)and thofe 
concerning the calamities of the Inquifition; and thofe of our ba- 
nifliments, as I have opened in my booke, De termino vitce; from 
whence it appears, that all the happy prophefies fhall be fulfilled. 
And as we have perifhed, fo alfo fhall Bozra (that is, Rome) perifh. 
See Ifa. 34. 6. 

SECT. 3a. 

SEcondly; Theargumentwhichwe bring from our Conftancy un- 
der fo many evills, cannot be eluded, that therefore God doth 
referve us for better things. Mofes in Levit. 26. 44. faith. Though 
they be in the land of their enemies, yet I will not cqft them away, 
neither will I abhor them to de/lroy them utterly, and to breake 
my covenant with them, for I am the Lord their God. And tru- 
ly thefe things are now fulfilled, for that in this captivity, and among 
the many reproaches which we Jewes fuffer, yet manv of ours are 

(48 ) 

honourably entertained by Princes, with a Angular affeftion. SoD. 
IJhac Aharlanel, who comes of Davids line, is Counfellor to the 
King of SpazW, and Portugall. By thisalfo he hath got agreatname, 
for that he compofed the differences,which arofe beene the King of 
Portugall, and the Republique of Venice. And from that Family of 
Abarbanel ( which I note by the by ) doe proceed my Children, by 
my wives fide. And in the houfe of his fonne,D. Samttel Abarbanel, 
and oi his wife Benuenida, the L,a.dy Leonorade Toledo,was brought 
up at Naples, who is the Daughter of D. Peter de Toledo, the 
Vice-roy of Naples; who afterwards was married to the mofl; emi- 
nent Duke Cofmus de Medicis, and having obtained the Dukedome 
of Tofcani, fhe honoured Benuenida with as much honour, as if fhe 
were her mother. 

That peace, which the Venetians made with the Emperour Sul- 
tan Selim, 75. yeares agone, was made, and ratified by a certaine 
Jew Don Selomo Rophe, who was fent Ambafladour to Venice, and 
received with great pomp, by the Venetians. At Conftantinople D. 
Ben Jaefe, Anaucas, and Sonfinos are of great authority with the 
Turk. In jEgypt the J ewes were alwayes Saraph baxas, and alfo 
at this day is D. Abraham Alholn. Who knowes not that D. Jofe- 
phus Nci/Ji, otherwife called Joamies Michejius, about the 66. yeare 
of the former age, was Duke of Naccia, Lord of Milum, and of the 
feven Iflands, of whom fee Famian. Strada in Hi/ior. Belgic. part, 
i.lib.^. He was raifed to thefe honours by Sw^^ara iSeZim. As alfo. 
by Sultan Amurat, Jacob Aben Jaes, otherwife called Alvoro 
Mendez, was made Governour of Tyberias; witnefl^e Boierus in 
Relation, part. 3. lib. 2. in Barbary, the Lords Rates were always 
Governours of Sekes, Phes, and Taradanta. In Ann. 1609. D. Sa- 
muel Palaxe was fent Ambafladour to the States, by Mulai Zidan 
the King oi Maracco. But he dyed at the Haghe in Anno. 1616. 
And the mofb eminent Prince Maurice, and the Nobles, were at his 
Funerall. InPer/iawhoknowesnotofwhataccounttheyare.' There, 
thirty years fin ce,EZAax;a7- was fecond to theKing,and as it were Go- 
vernour. Now David Jan fucceeds him, to whom others alfo being 
joyned, they live in the Court. And that muft not be forgot, that 
when the mofl: eminent Duke of Holftein fent Otto Burchmannus 
Ambaflladour to Perjia, in Ann. 1635. he defired commendatory 
letters from our J ewes at Hamburgh, to them, who (as we have 
already told you ) doe live there in the Court, that they would 

G make 


make way there,for him that was a ftranger: that he mightdifpatch 
his affaires: Which was alfo performed. By which means ours, who 
are in Perjia, difmifled Burchmannus, with rich gifts, and with 
Letters to the moft eminent Duke of Holftem, which the twelve 
Chuzae^orPrinceSjhad subfigned. Acopyof whichLetters themoft 
excellent D. Benjamin Mujfapha, one familiar with the Prince hel- 
ped me to. Alfo Claudius Duretu enfon threfor des langues,fol. 
30a. faith, that there are almoft an infinite nnmhtv oiy ewes'm Afia, 
efpecially in India, and that King Cochini is their great favourer. 
Yea Linfchotes faith ( where he treats of Cochini ) that they have 
Synagogues there, and thatfome of them are of the Kings Counfell. 
At Prague, Mordocheas Maifel had Armes given him by the Em- 
perour Matthias, who alfo knighted him. Which honour lacol 
Bathfehah alfo had, under the Reigne of Ferdinand; and many o- 
ther Families are graced with other honours. And inthisvery capti- 
vity ( who could thinke it ) they are fo wealthy, that ( Gods provi- 
dence favouring them ) they may challenge to themfelves a place a- 
mong the mofl Noble. 

SECT. i^. 

WHo can enumerate the number of ours, who are renowned 
by fame, and learning? The learned R. Mofes liar Mai- 
mon was Phifician to Saladin the King oi^gypt. Mofes Amon to 
the Emperour Sultan Bajafeth. ^lias Montalto to the moft emi- 
nent Queen of France, Loyjia de Medicis; and was alfo her Coun- 
fellor. At Padua Klias Cretenfis read Philofophy; and R. Alra- 
Aomrfei?aZma5, the Hebrew Grammer. And how much honour had 
YLlias Grammaticus at Rome? And almoft all the Princes of Italy 
honoured him with all kinde of honour, Abraham Kolorni; as ap- 
peares by a Letter writ to him by Thomas Garzoni nellafua piazza 
univerfale del mundo. Picus Mirandula ( who ufeth to fay. That 
he had hut fmall under/landing, who only looked after his owne 
things, and not after other mens ) and others, had Hebrew teachers. 
David de Pomis dedicated his Book to Pope Sextus the fifth, who 
lovingly,and courteoufly received both the Author, and work. So at 
this day we fee many defirous to learne the Hebrew tongue of our 
men. HencemaybefeenethatGod hath not leftus; for if one perfe- 
cute us,another receives us civilly,and courteoufly ; and if this Prince 
treats us ill, another treats us well ; if one banifheth us out of his coun- 

. . try, 


try,anotherinvitesus byathoufand priviledges; as divers Princes of 
Jia/yhavedonejthemoft eminent KingofDewOTarie, and themighty 
Duke of Savoy in ISIiJfa. And doe we not fee, that thoje Repih- 
liques doe flourijh, and much increafe in Trade, which admit 
the Ifraelites ' 

SECT. 34. 

MOfes faith in his lafl fong, that God would revenge the blond 
of his people who are fcattered. And leremiah faith, in chap. 
'2. 3. Ifrael is the Lords holy thing, the Jirjl fruits of his increafe ; 
all who devoure himfhall be found guilty ; evill fhall come upon 
them, faith the Lord. And that the Hiftories of divers times, even 
from Nebuchadnezzar to thefe very times, doe teflifie. Have not 
the Monarchies of great Princes been deflroyed ? Confiderwith me 
the miferable ends of Antiochus, of Pompey, of Sifibuthus, of Phi- 
liptheKingoi France, oiAlonfus the fonne oilohnthe. fecond. And 
we mayremember,how King Sebq/iian with his fourth Generation, 
and with all his Nobles, was flaine in a battell oi Africa,m that fame 
place, in which he had caufed the lews to be banifhed. Ferdinand, 
and If abelwere thegreatPerfecutorsofourNation,but howdidboth 
he, and fhe dye? as for him his Son-in-law, and his owne Subjects 
did perfecutehim; and hisonlyfonne dyed (leaving no ifrue)on his 
Wedding-day, beingfeventeenyeares old. Hisdaughter being Heire 
of the Kingdome,and of her Fathershatred, would not marry to^'ma- 
nuel King of Portugal, unlefle he would compell us to be banifhed, 
and change our Religion. But fhe dyed in Child-birth of her Sonne 
<Sarag^oc«,andalfo her Son, before he was haifeayeareold; and the 
fucceffionwasdevolvedupc^theKingdomeof Spame. Itis not long 
fince, that the Spaniards exercifeu upon us^t ^'^antua, what ever 
cruelties they could invent ; what fhall we fay of that a^ j.r±adrid 
in the yeare 1633, wasdone bytheInquifition,theKing,and Princes 
of the Kingdome concurring; but in the very fame month dyed the 
Infant Charles,a.nd theirKingdome declined. What wonder is it if 
God hathchaftifed divers Kingdomes byfundrywayes: but of this I 
treat farther in my HiRovy of the lewes. Let us conclude therefore, 
that thatgood, which God hath promifed, will {hortlycome,fincewe 
feethatwehavefuflPered thofe evils, which hehaththreatned us with, 
by the Prophets. 




SECT, zs- 
S'y^ 'T^Hefliortneffe of time ( when we beleeve our redemption 
_|_ {hall appeare ) is confirmed by this, that the Lord hath 
promifed that he will gather the two 'I'ribes, ludah, and 
Benjamin, out of the foure quarters of the World, calling them 
Nephii/Jim. From whence you may gather, that for the fulfilling of 
that, they muftbefcattered through all the corners of the World; as 
Daniel faith, Dan. 12. 7. And when the fcattering of the holy peo- 
ple Jhall have an end, all thofe things Jhall hefulfilled. And this ap- 
peares now to be done, when as our Synagogues are found in ' 

SECT. 36. 
^ly, ' I ''O thefe,let us addethat, which the fame Prophet fpeakes, 
JL in ch. 12. ver. 4. That knowledge Jhall he encreafed; for 
then the propheciesfhall better be underfl:ood,the meaning 
of which we can fcarce attaine to, till they be fulfilled. So after the 
Otteman race began to flourifh, we underftood the prophefie of the 
two leggs of the Image of Nebuchadnezzar, which is to be over- 
throwneby thefifthMonarchy,which fliall beintheWorld. So^e- 
remiah after he had handled in Chap. 30. the redemption oi Ifrael, 
and J-udah, and of the war of Gog, and Magog (of which Daniel 
alfo fpeakes in ch. 1 2. ) when he treats of the Scepter of the Meffiah 
the fon oi David, of the ruine of the Nations, of the reftoration of 
Judah, of holy yerufalem, and of the third Temple, he adds in ver. 
24. Thejlerce anger of the Lord Jhall not returne, till he hath exe- 
cuted it, and till he hath performed the intents of his heart ; in 
the latter dayesyfi.O'^li, underjland it. From whence followes what 
we navt, faid, niat the time of redemption is at hand. And becaufe 
Jeremiah in that Chapter makes an abridgement of all things that 
fliall be, therefore it is faid in ver. 2. Write thee all the words which 
Ihavefpoken to thee in a hook. By this meane making the Prophe- 
cie clearer, by relating in a cleare ftyle, whatever the Prophets had 
fore-told; imitating Mo/e*, the laft words of whofe fong a,Te,Sing,0 
ye Nations, with his people, in Deut. 32. 43. Alfo the laft words 
which he fpake,after that he had blefled theTribes,are thek,Happy 
art thou, Ifrael: who is like to thee, people? faved hy the Lord, 
who is thejheild of thy help, and the fword of thy excellency ; and 


thine enemies Jhall hefoimd lyars to thee, and thoujhalt tread up- 
on their high places, in Deut. 33. 29. From whence it appeares, 
that God will revenge the bloud of Ifrael, which had been fhed. 
yoel confirmes the fame in ch, 3, 19. ^gypt Jhall he a defolation, 
and Kdom Jhall he ajilthy defert,for the violence, and injury offe- 
red to the Jewes, and hecaufe they havejhed innocent lloud in their 
Land. And as they fhall be punifhed by the jufi: judgement of God, 
who wifh us evill : fo alfo God will give bleffings upon them who fa- 
vour us. And thofe are the trees of the field which then fhall re- 
joyce. So God faith to Abraham, in Gen. 12. 3. 1 will hlejfe them 
who llejje thee, and curfe them that ciirfe thee. 

SECT. 37. 
■^ which hath not been heretofore handled j from whence thefe 
confequences may be deduced. 

1. That the Weji-Indies, were anciently inhabited by a part of 
the ten Tribes, which paffed thither out of Tartary, by the Straight 
of Anian. 

2. That theTribes are not inany one placCjbutinmany; becaufe 
theProphets have fore-told their return {hall be into theirCountry, 
out of divers places; Ifaiah efpecially faith it fhall be out of eight. 

3. That they did not returne to the fecond Temple. 

4. That at this day they keep the Jewijh Religion. 

5. That the prophecies concerning their returne to their Cou ntry, 
are of neceffity to be fulfilled. 

6. That from all coafts of the World they fhall meet in thofe two 
Yt\diccs, fc. Ajfyria, and jEgypt; God preparing an eafie, pleafant 
way,and abounding with all things,as l/aiaA faith, ch. 49. and from 
thence they fhall flie to yerufalem, as birds to their nefls. 

7. That their Kingdome fhall be no more divided; but the twelve 
Tribesfhall be joyned together under one Prince, that is under JWi?/'- 

Jiahth&Sonoi David; and that they fhall neverbedriven out of their 


SECT. 38. 

Returne to the relation of our Montezinus, which I prefer before 
theopinionsof all others as mofl true ForthatPerafhouldbederi- 
ved from the name Ophir, as Ghdielmus Pojielluj, Goropius in Orte- 

G 3 litis, 


lius, Bozius dejignis Ecclef. lib. % c. 3. Marinus in area Noah, P. 
Sa. in ^. Reg. Pomarius in his Lexicon,aLnd Poffevimis lih. i.Bihlith. think, cannot be proved; asPz7zec?ahath welobferved,inyoJj 
c. 28. p. 500. for we have faid out of Garcilajfo de la Vega, that that 
name was unknown to themofPer?^. OpkirthenisEq/i-India,iivfe 
beleeve Jofephus, lih. 8. Antiquit. Judaic, c. 6. & Acojia in HI. i. 
Hi/ior. Ind.irom whence Solomon fetched gold, and precious flrones. 
Bvit\!vha.tGomarai?ipart 1. hi/i.Ind.fol. 120. and Zarate inprocem. 
ki/i.Peru,v/ou\d have,that oursdid pafle over that famous,and much 
praifed Ifland ( by Plato in Critia, and Timceus ) oi Atlantis, and fo 
went into theneighbour \i\?Md&o{Barlovent,a.nd from thenceto the 
firm Iand,aiid at laflto the Kingdom of PerMjandATew- Spam; itisde- 
fervedly exploded as fabulous; and Acojia laughs at it, in lih. i.hi/i. 
Ind. c. 23. But Marcilius Ficinus in comment, in Timeum, c. 4. £tf 
Critia, that he might defend PZa^o, thinkes ( and his Difciples,Por- 
phiry, Origen, and Proclus doe follow him ) that all that which is in 
Critia, and in Timceus, is to be underflood allegorically. And who 
will beleeve Lefcarhotus, who faith that they are the Canaanites, 
whofled thither for feare of 5^ q/'Awa? Forlcannotbeperfwaded that 
they fought out Countries fo far remote. Theywhowill have them 
of Peru to have come out of Norivey, or Spain, may be confuted by 
their very form, manilersand the unlikeneffe of theirLanguages.But 
that is more falfe, that they are i/raeZ« to, who have forgot circumci- 
fion, and their rites. For they areofacomly body, and of agoodwit,as 
{aiit\\'Dodi.JohannesHuarte,in his bookwhich iscalled,Ea;amere in- 
genior.c.14.. But contrarily all men know that the/«(:?iara5aredefor- 

)) med,dul,and altogether rude. And we have abundantlyfhoWn, with 
"^1 I ho w great fl:udy,and ZQa\,theIfraelites have kept their Language,and 

I \. Religion, out of their Country. 

SECT. 39. 

MOntezinus then fpeaks mofl: likely; thatas other people forced 
the Ifraelites to betake them to the mountains: io America be- 
ing firft of all inhabited by the perfecuting Tar/ari, they weredriven 
to the mountains of Cordillere, where at lafl they were hid, as God 
would have it. Truly, comparing the Ifraelites themfelves,or their 
Laws,withother people, I fee notanything that comes nearertruth. 
Perhaps alfo America was not of old contiguous to AJia on the 
Northfide. Itdothnot feemetomefuch an abfurdity,tofay,thatthe 

(54) ' 

Ifraelites wentoutof Tariaryinto^/ner/caby land; and afterward, 
thatGod,topreferve his,among other miracles, alfo wrought this, to 
make that aSea,wherenowis the ftreightof^maw. Yea that might 
be don without amiracle,byaccident,asweknowthat more than once, 
the Sea byaviolent ftorra hath carryed away the Land, and made I- 
which happened in the days of Prometheiis,\ Hercules. Alfo Be- 
rofus in lih.^. and Diodorus li. 6. mentions the inundation oi Attica, 
in which^^AeTW ftands. Pliny in lib. a. c. 85. & lib. 13. c. 11. Strabo 
in l.i.&l. 13. and Plutarch inAlexandr. relate the drowning of the 
Ifle Pharaonica; of which Luther fpeaks fo elegantly in lib. ultimo. 
Befides,who knows not howmany,and how great Cities have at di- 
vers times beenalmoft wholly ruined by feveral earthquakes? Sueton, 
in Tiberio, c. 48. writes, that under Tiberius, twelve Cities in u4Jia 
havebeenbythismeansruined. Orq/iuslib.'j .c.4.a.ndDionCciffitislib. 
57. do afBrm the fame, though they differ about the time. Tacitzis 
in lib. 14, and Eufebius in Chron. relate the deftruftion of that 
famous and rich City of Laodicea. Origen toJ7i. 28. in Joan and £a- 
roniiis torn. 2. Annal, Ecclefiq/l, Ann. 340: do fpeak of other earth- 
quakeSjWhich have deftroyed divers,andverymany men, and Cities. 
And P. Alonfus in fuo manual, tempor. relates, that the fame 
hath happened in our dayes; faith he. In the year 1638. A great 
Earthquake happened in the Iflands of the Te^xerce, but efped- 
ally in St. Michael, where the Governour dwells; for that un- 
heard of Jhaking of the earth, and houjes, /truck fo great terror into 
the Inhabitants, that aljled out of their houfes & lived in thefelds, 
a little after, two miles from thence, they Jaw the Sea vomit up a- 
bundance of fiery matter, which made a very thicke fmoake, 
which covered the very clouds; and it cq/i up many great Jiones 
which feemed like rocks; part whereof falling downe againe, made 
an IJland in the Sea which was halfe a mile over, and fxty fathom 
high, &an hundred & fifty fathom deep. That hot exhalation which 
that fiery mountain Jent forth, pierced the very waters, andjlifledfo 
many fifhes, that two Indiana/hips could not cany them. The fame 
Ifland two years after, was fwallowed up again of the Sea. 

SECT. 40. 

HEE that doth ferioufly weigh thofe things, may (I think) well 
gather, that the Sea of the Streight oiAnian was an inundati- 
on. By affirming which, this doubt may be anfwered, fc. That af- 

ter the univerfall Flood, man-kinde encreafed againe,and all beafts, 
whichhad beenpreferved inthe Arke. But howcould fomany kinds 
of beaftSj ( which come by propagation, and are not bred out of the 
earth ) be found in thofe Countries? Some did fwim thither, fome 
were brought thither by fome huutfmen, fome were bred out of 
the earth, as Aiiftin thinks it happened in the firfl: Creation. But 
what Land-beaft can fwim over fo great a Sea? And would Huntf- 
men carry Lyonsthither,andotherfuch kind of beafts,oftentimes to 
the great hazzard of theirlives? And ifGod would have created thofe 
beafts out of the earth, he would not have commanded Noah to have 
kept them in the Ark. I am fully perfwaded, that the beafts which 
arefound there pafled thatwayinto^mmca; unlefleany thinksthat 
this newworld is joyned to the old,onfomeotherfide,asHCTTerabe- 
leeves Dec. 3, lil. 11. c. 10. 

SECT. 41. 

AS for the other things in the relation of our Montezinus, they 
fay nothing which favours of falfliood, Fortheirfayingthatthe 
SemaA,truly it is the cuftom of our people, in what part foever of the 
world theylive; anditistheabridgementoftheconfeffionand religion 
of theJewes. That revelation of theMagicians whom theycallMo- 
hanes, it agrees with thofe things which in 2 Efdras you may fee, 
pafled over Euphrates, concerningthofe conditions of not revealing 
fecrets to any,but fuch an onewho hath feen three hundredMoons, 
( which make twenty five years ) it appeares to be true, by what 
the famous De Laet tells in many parts of America, that the Indi- 
ans do compute their years by Moones. That a fecret muft be told 
in the Field,dothnotthatargueayewiy^cuftome, which theancients 
have obferved in J acohl who being about to depart from Lalian,he 
called his Wives into the field. 

I now conclude this difcourfe,inwhich this only was in myinten- 
tion, that I might briefly, and compendioufly declare mine, and the 
Rabbles opinion, concerning thofe things which I have handled. I 
hope that this my indeavor will not be unacceptable,beingdefired by 
many men famous both forBirth,andforLearning; not unprofitable, 
havingtherein explained therelcitionof Montezinus, with what bre- 
vity I could. The Name of God be bleflled for ever. Amen, 





Upon the Point of the 



J E W E S: 

►OD hath promifed to doe great things in thefe laft 
days, as namely, to fubdue all his Enemies, to re- 
leive his people, to deftroy all Tyranny and Op- 
preflion both civil and ecclefiafticall, and to ampliate 
the Bounds of Chrifts Kingdom, by a plentiful! pou- 
ring forth of his fpirit,and by convertingthemultitudesbothof Jews 
and Gentiles. Herein he doth what the Ruler of the Feaft faid to the 
Bridegroome in John a. lo. he keepes the heji wine till the laji; 
he makes the laft Aft, the beft part of the Comedy. Whereas the 
method of the Devill, and the World, is contrary; reprefented by 
Nehuchadnexzars image, whofe head, or beginning, was of gold; 
butthefeet,orending,wasof iron,and clay. And of thefe great good 
things (we being now upon the borders of the long-looked-f or- Ca- 
naan) God hath given us feme earneft (which is a fmall proportion, 
with the whole for kind) a bunch of grapes; Og, and the Amorites 
fubdued. For he hath in our days arretted the Turks greatnefle; a- 
bated the formidablenefle of the German- Aufirian Beaft ; revealed 
his feat at Rome; and hath brought to light the fubtilties of Satan, 
whohadfhiftedhimfeifeintofeveralldrefles of pretended Reforma- 
tion. Hee is rifen up like a mighty Gyant, againft his enemies a- 

H mong 


48 Conjiderations Jipon the point, 

inongus,and elfewhere^and hath pleaded his peoples caufe fo fignally, 
that all but thofe whofe judgement it is to be wilfully blind, will 
fay, The Lord is on ourjide. He hath alfo fcattered Light,sind Truth 
in an unwonted meafure, among all forts of people; he hath given 
forth his owne good Spirit more plentifully than formerly (except in 
thofe extraordinary primitive times ofChriftianifm;) and hath infla- 
ted us intolibertyfor our fpirits; which though too many abufe,and 
turneintolicentioufnefle, or a liberty tofinnCj yet that isnodispraife, 
but a commendation to the thing; for it is a figne that liberty is ex- 
ceeding good initfelfe,feeingthe corruption orabufeof it,isathing 
fo bad, but fo hedged in by feverali Fences,as it hath pleafed God in 
much mercy to direft the wifdome of our State to, it is a choyfe 
mercy, and fuch as is fuitable to our Principles both Humane, and 
Chriftian; Thus we have a Day-ftar to tell us that day is at hand; 
fomethingprodromousconcerningalmoftall thegreat things promi- 
fed,and looked for,as might be more largelyfhowne,if thatweremy 
properwork. But yet nothing concerning the returningofthe Shu- 
lamite, in Cant. 6. ult. which Mr. Brightman interprets to be the 
y^wei turning Chriftian,theclock of their con verfion hath not yetgi- 
ven warning; it is as midnight with them ftill, as it was a thoufand 
yearesagone. Uponwhich,fomeground thehopelefnefleof theirre- 
pentance,butldare not owne that Logick,but rather conclude thus; 
That therefore their Converfion fhall be the work of God (of which 
more anon) withwhomalldifficultiesarenohinderance; andthough 
Ifrael be bond-men in ^gypt, and fealed up to it by the darkneffe 
of a midnight, yet let but God fpeake, and they are immediately at 
liberty,and fent away without waiting for the comming of the day. 

Now we ought much to minde their Converfion, exercifing there- 
uponour faith,our prayers, and alfo our enquiries,and that forthefe 
following reafons : 

Firji, becaufe they have the fame Humane nature with us; from 
this ground we fhould wifh well to all men, whether Jew, or Gen- 
tile; which is the precept of the Apoftle, in a Pet. i. 7. To adde 
love to brotherly kindneJJ'e; that is, not only to love Saints, but to 
loveMen(though the Saints with a choyfe, and peculiarlove.) Yea 
it is Gods owne praftife, in Mat. 5. 45. There is a ^iXavdpmiria in 
God (as Paul faith to Titus) a love to Man-kinde. Plutarch 
could obferve that God is not called (ftlXnnroi, he bearesanother man- 

(58 ) 

Of the converjion of the lewes. 49 

ner of love tomen^than to horfes; fo oughtweto doe, and even upon 
this general! account, to love the Jewijh Nation. 

Secondly, becaufe of their extraftion; Their root is holy, though 
now the Branches be degenerate and wilde; fo in Rom. 11. verf. 16, 
17' Some good turnes are due to the bad children of good Parents 
for the Parents fake; and this PawZ exprefly urgeth, ihi?om.ii.38. 
that they are helovedfor the Fathers fake; yea the chief root, or head 
of their l^i&Uon, Abraham is myftically our subftituted Father, as 
in Gal. 4 laft; If ys he Chri/is, then are ye Abrahams /eerf, and 
heires according to the promife. The Jewes are children, and 
heires of the flefli of Abraham, but we of his faith ; they by the 
Bond-woman, but we by the Free; but not^ith&a.nAmg, Abraham 
is our common Father, and therefore we fhould love as brethren. 

Thirdly, becaufe Gods covenant with th^Jeives is not nulled, or 
broken, but only fufpended. It is with them as it was with Nehu- 
chadnezzars tree, the leaves, fruit, and boughes were all fcattered 
and broken,yet therewasachaine of braffe upon theroot,to referve 
that for future hopes; fo though all true fruitfulnefle, beauty, and 
fymptoms of life are long fince gone, yet thereis a root,afeed,which 
fhall bring forth in Godstime; and thisfeemesamainefcopeof P(Z2/Z 
in Rom. 11. To this purpofe may that be alledged of Mat. 24. 2%. 
Except thofe dayes Jhould be Jhortned, no flejh Jhould be faved, 
hut for the EleSis fake thofe dayes Jhall be Jhortned; that is, fo great 
fhall theflaughter oit\\e.Jeweshe.,a.t the deftru6tion oijerufalem, 
that if thofe deftroying dayes fhould laft a little longer, their whole 
Nation would faiie, and be cut off; which fhall not be, becaufe God 
hatheleftonestobeborneof thatPeople infuture times. Hence you 
fee, that in their lowefi; ebbe, that is, in the midft of their greateft 
guilt,and foreft puni{hments,God hath flill aneyeupon a numberof "( 
elecSt ones of that Nation; and Gods Covenant was never fo with ; 
them, or with any People, as to take the whole of them for his in- \ 
heritance. In Jer. 31. 36, 37. Gods Covenant with Ifrael is furer - 
than the Lawes of Nature ( which wekno w,remaine un violable to the 
Worlds end ) and he faith, that mufl; come to paffe, before he will 
caft off the Seed of Ifrael, for all that they have done; yea in Ifa. 
54. 9, 10. God confirmes it to Ifrael, not only by the firmeneffe of 
the Lawes of Nature, but alfo by an Oath ; now what God ratifies 
with anOath,is his abfolute and pofitiveWil, that which makes the 
conclufion immutable; asinHei.6. 18. And in this cafe God is ever 

H % too 


50 Confiderations upon the point, 

tooftrongforallhardneffeof heartjdifobediencejunbeleefe^andany 
impediments that can be. See alfo that full place of Levii. 2,6. 42. 
44. and ver. 45. for I beleeve that place Propheticall, of times, and 
things not yet fulfilled. 

Fourthly, We Gentiles were gainers by their calling away, the 
whirlwind of Gods wrath that threw them downe, brought us 
much profit, even falvation itfelfe, Rom. 11.12. The fall of them be- 
comes the riches of the World, ver. 15. The cqfting away of them 
is the reconciling of the JVorld; implying, that we Gentiles were 
poore,and miferable, till made rich, and happy by the. J ewes {^oy\zi, 
whobythismeanesareaswretchedasweformerlyhad been. Which 
confideration muft needs move an ingenuous fpirit,to pitty thofe fo 
undone. Our Lord faith to a Gentile, in Mark, 7. 47. Let the 
Children firfi he filled, for it is not meet to take the Childrens 
bread and to cajlit to the Doggs: They were Children, and we were 
Doggs,and we Doggs have got the Childrens meat before their bel- 
lies were full ; which, as it fliould make us not to be high-minded ; 
fo alfo to pitty them, whofe bread being taken away, and given to us, 
are brought to a ftarving condition. 

Fifthly, We fhall be gainers by their receiving againe; it fliould 
be motive sufficient to us, that God (hall be gainer by it, and that 
not only by the acceflion of a whole Nation to him, and alfo of that 
Nation,whichis asthelofl; Sheep, thefinding of which is a matter of 
great joy, Luke 15. But alfo becaufe as it is faid in Pfal. 103. 16. 
JVhen the Lord fhall build up Zion, he fhall appear e in his glory. 
Now glory is a manifeftation of excellency, and at that time Gods 
excellency fhall fhine forth, which is now much hid, and vailed; the 
excellency of his mercy, of his truth and faithfulnefi^e, to remember 
anancient Covenant madeaboutfourethoufandyearesfince.and his 
old friend Abraham, and the Patriarks ; all which have feemed to 
be afleepfor many Generations together. So alfo in Ifa. chap. 13. 
compared with chap. 11, But not only God ( which might have 
been a diftindt reafon) but we alfo fhall receive great advantages 
thereby; forthen there (hall benotonlyanenlargement of good to us 
GentileSj^s a concomitant and fynchronifm with the^ ewes conver- 
fion( the miftakeabout which, hath, and doth caufe black thoughtsin 
fome ) as in Apoc. 7. 9. after the fealing of the hundred, and forty, 
and foure thoufand ( which relates to the time of the forty two 
moneths) a great multitude, and innumerable, of all Nations, 


Of the converfion of the lewes. 51 

Kindred, Tongues, and people flood before the Lambe, and were 
cloathed with white Robes; nowthefe numbers of all Gentile-Nati- 
ons are to be converted at that time 'whe.nthtf ewes are to be brought 
home; for it is to be at the founding of the feventh Trumpet. But 
befide, the J ewes converfion fhall in fome fort be the caufe of it, 
elfe what meanesthe Apoftle ini^om. 11. la,. How muchmorejhall 
their fulneJJ'e lie the riches of the Gentiles? and in verf. 15, What 
Jhall the receiving of the Jewes le ( to the Gentiles) but life from 
the dead? The Apoftle heightens the expreffion of the benefit by 
their receiving, to an higher degree than what we got by their fall. 
It is obfervable, that the Gofpel did in fome fenfe, firft goe out of 
Sion, for the Spirit who enabled the Disciples to preach and propa- 
gate it was there given j and Micah speaking of the times yet looked 
for, faith in Mic. 4. 2,. The Law Jhall goe forth out q/Sion, and the 
Word of the Lord out of f erufalem ; that is, the fulnefle of the 
Spirit, and knowledge of Chrifl; fhall ftreame through the Jewes to 
the Gentiles. So that as itwasin the firft givingoftheholy Spirit, he 
was firft given to the^ew e5,then to the Gentiles; yea by Xh^Jewes 
to the Gentiles ; fo fhall it be in the laft dayes, fulfilling what Taul 
faith in i? \!a&few firft, and alfo to the Gentile, When God 
fhall be reconciled toi/raeZ,theircondition wil be greatly changedjfor 
they who are now actually the moft accurfed people, then as in Mz'c. 
5. 7. The remnant of ^diCoh Jhall he in the midft of many people as 
dew from the Lord; as the Jhowres upon the graJJ'e, that tarry not 
for man, nor waitefor thefons of men. Dew, and Showers in thofe 
hot Countries are Heavens hoxinty , a. cornucopia of all good things; 
fuch fhall the Jewes be to the places where they fhall be, when they 
fhall owne the Lord Jefus. 

Sixthly, They were Gods firft Wife ( as I may fay) for a confi- 
derable time they were a faithfull people; and many of them have 
beenMartyrs forGod. And thefe things God will thinkeon, though 
we may fleight them. 

They were Gods firft Wife, Did God ever aflay to take any Na- 
tion before them, to be his owne people ? Yea, did he take any be- 
fide them, for two thoufand yeares together ? In Ifa. 54. 6. 1 have 
called thee as a woman, forfaken,and grieved in fpirit, and a wife of 
youth, ivhen thou waji refufed, faith the Lord; and what follows, 
verf. 7. For afmall moment have I forfaken thee, hut with great 
mercies will I gather thee. And in verfe 8. With everlqfting kind- 

H 3 nefe 


5a ConJideratio7is upon the point, 

neffe will I have mercy upon thee. We fee God forgets not, though 
men may, and doe. 

They were a faithfiill people. As great was their unfaithfulnefle; 
fo there were times when great was their faithfulnefle. In Jer.l.i. 
I remember thee, the kindnejfe of thyyouth, the love of thy efpoti- 
fals, when thou wentefi after me in the Wildernejfe, in a Land that 
was notfowne. It was fomething to follow God in fuch a Country 
forty years; and for fo long a time to expofe themfelves, wives, and 
childrendailytoalmoftalforts of deaths; and youfee,God remembers 
it in after times; and if he did inj eremiahsi\n\e.,^h&w thofewhoin 
perfonhad beenfofaithfuli,had been long dead; and that raceof the 
J ewes then were very provoking, and corrupt; why not alfo now, in 
this prefent fucceeding generation of them : 

They were Martyrs for God. To prove this, read the Hiftory of 
the Maccahees, and if we like not fo farre to owne what is Apocry- 
phall, turne to Heb. ii. which is a booke of the Jewijh Martyrs, a 
Catalogue of them that fufTered under Antiochus, and thofe Syrian 
Tyrants. And they were not few that fuffered,but many; nor light 
puni{hments,butunfpeakeab1etorments. NowGod takesitfo kind- 
ly that we give up our lives to torments, and to death for his Name, 
that commonly heowes that perfonagoodturnein his pofterity. And 
if upon thefe accounts God hath an eyeuponthem,wealfo(hould be 
like minded, and love them too. 

Seventhly, It is a duty which we owe to Gods expreffe command, 
for fo I take that in the literal] fence, in Ifa. 6a. 6, 7. Ye that make 
mention of the Lord, keep not Jilence, and give him no re/i, till he 
e/iablifh, and till he make Jerufalem a praife in the earth. This 
duty the Prophet himfelfe performed in verf.i. For Sions fake I will 
not hold my peace, and for Jerufalems/a^e I will not reft, till the 
right eoufneff'e thereof go e forth as brightneU'e, &c. And alfo the 
Church in her affliftion, P/a/. 137.5,6. And now that Sion is in the 
duft, if we that beleeve among the Gentiles, did pitty her, and com- 
pafTionateherin her ruines,itwere an argument that God is aboutto 
arife, and have mercy upon her; as may be urged from Pfalme loa. 

Lqftly, They minded our converfion to God. This appeares in 
the writings of almoft all their Prophets, efpecially in the Pfalmes, 
Ifaiah, Jeremiah, Hofeah, Malachi. Now then for us to love 
the notion, and in what we may, help forward their returne, 


Of the converfion of the lewes. 53 

what is it but an honeft and juft retaliation? 

Having difpatched theReafons,two things yet remaine about their 
Converfion, which I muft fpeake fomewhat to, and thofe are the 
Time, and the Manner; as for the time when, the determining of 
thatishard, though notimpofsible. I beleevethatitispunftuallyfet 
downein Scripture, and God wil be as critical! inlooking after times 
as things; but all the difficulty of knowing it is from the darknelTe, 
and defe<Stsofourunderfl:anding,andnot from afuppofed uncertainty 
in the thing. So that I am equally adverfe as to the common praftife 
oi they ewes, who becaufe they are unwilling to owneGodsaccom- 
plifhments, doe therefore dif-allow his computations, and exprefly 
hold that man accurfed who bufieth himfelfeinthatftudy. So to the 
too common opinion of thofe who fay. That oft in fuch computati- 
ons God puts a certainenumberforanuncertaine. NOjthereisanin- 
fallibility in the fet times of Scripture; only the Well is deep, and 
the cord to our Bucket is but fhort 1 yet this difficulty fhould not 
caufe defpondency, but quicken our induflry. All that I fhall now 
fay to it is this, I judge the time not farre off; this prefent age will 
fee thofe things fulfilled which we have waited and prayed for. R. 
Maimonides faith of Jefus Chrifl:, That fince Mofes his time none 
fo like to the Mefsiah as the Chrifl: of the Chriflians; fo I fay, fince 
Chrifl:, no period of time fo like to be that, in which the ^ ewes {ha.\\ 
be called, as this in which we live. And perhaps it is nearer than we 
are aware of, being the more comfortably perfwaded of it, by that 
excellent Treatife called. The Revelation revealed, newly pnhMihed 
by a Gentleman of an indefatigable Spirit for God and publick good, 
Mr.S. HarfZii, in which Apocalypticall computationsareexplained 
the mofl: harmonioufly,and clearly, that I have read in any difcourfe 
of thatnature. Hefaithpofitively,thatattheendingofthelaft yeare 
of 1655. the feventh Trumpet Ihall found; whofe effeft will be as 
much good to Gods elefiled ones, whether Jewes, or Gentiles, as 
our hearts can wifli for. I fhall adde this. The age in which we live, 
hath been eyed by many Generations pafl:, for the time wherein the 
lewes (hall be received to mercy; many of their owne Writers, and 
alfo of Chrifl:ian Authors have pitched upon it; And I beleeve that 
God will be as gracious to them in this their laft,andgreateft refl:au- 
ration,as he was to them in that of their returne out oi Baby Ion ; now 
concerning that therewere three computations andepochaesof the 
beginning(and confequentlyof the ending) of the feventy yeares of 


54 Confiderations upon the point, 

captivity ; and obferve, that thofe feventy yeares ended, and the 
lewes returned, not at the lateft computation, but with the firft, for 
there were but feventy yeares iromj echoniahs carrying to Balylon, 
(which was the firft Captivity) to the releafe by the Proclamation of 
Cyrils. And as God ended that Captivity with the fooneft, fo I 
hope that he will doe this; efpecially confidering, that fpeaking of 
thefe mercies to them, in Ifa. 60. in verfe laft, he faith, I the Lord 
will hajlen it in its time ; which he fhould not doe, if he fhould 
ftay the longeft calculation, and utmoft period of time. O let us be 
Gods Remembrancers to put him in minde of this his promife. 

For the manner how, and meanes whereby their converfion (hall 
becompaffed; this alfo is a depth equall to the former. And as it is 
in things Prophetical!, the event will beftdetermineit; yetlfliall fay 
fomething to it, according to what I have attained. That of the or- 
dinary way ofChriftianizinga perfon,or people,feemes to me not of 
ufe here; which hath been by Difcourfes, written or printed Books, 
Preachers, or the will and command of a Conquerour; for all thefe 
havehad their efficacy in (at leaft a feeming and out-fide)converfion 
of many Nations. Butafterthe application oithtktothty ewes, iov 
manyages together, yetwemuftfayas Gehazi did toEZJ/Xa,when he 
had laid his ftaffe on the Shunamite her Son, thereby to bring him 
to life ; The childe is not awaked. I then conclude, that their con- 
verfion fhall be in an extraordinary way, it (hall be the workeof our 
Lord Jefus, and of his good Spirit. As Paz^Z was turned by the ap- 
pearing of Chrift to him; foftiall they. Hewill manifeft himfelfe to 
them eminently, powerfully, and gracioufly, to forme them to be a 
people to himfelfe. Whether this his prefence to them fhall be per- 
fonall,or only in the Spirit, I will not now fay, but leave the Reader 
to make a judgement, as he fees moft caufe, out of the Scriptures 
which I bring. Confider that of Mat. 23. 38, 39. Beholdyour houfe 
is left unto you defolate, for I fay unto you, ye fhall not fee me 
hence-forth, till ye fhall fay, Bleffed is he that comes in the name 
of the Lord. Here you have their doome fore-told, their houfefhall 
be defolate, the Temple and J erufalem fhall he deflroyed; alfo 
their converfion, in thofe words, their faying, Bleffed is he that 
comes, &c. the medium to compafl^e it, fc. their feeing lefus 
Chri/i;yeJhallnotfeeme,&cc. Intheorderof caufes.Chriftsdifcove- 
ring himfelfe to them (hall be firft, and fhall produce their relenting 
towardshim. And for afurtherproofe,let thofetwoplacesbejoyned 

(64) ^ 

Of the converfion of the J ewes. ^^ 

together, as bearing the fame fence ; that of Mat. 34. 30, 31. and 
oi Apoc. I. 7. both which are taken out oi Zechar. 12. 10. And 
all three not to be underftood of Chrifts appearing to Judgement; 
for here, faving repentance is the effeft of hisappearance; butrepen- 
tance will be then too late when the Judge is come ; that fliall be a 
night to all finners, in which no worke can be done. Againe, there are 
but three grand periods mentioned in Mat. 34. namely, the deftru- 
ftion of Jemfalem, Chrifts comming ( when, and whereby the 
y ewes {ha.\\ be con verted, who though they haverefifted him, when 
he came in the flefli, yet they (hall not, they cannot, when he comes 
in the Spirit) and theend of theWorld. Nowthefignesof thefirft 
of thefe are in verf 1^,15.21,22. Of thefecond in verf. 29,30,31, 
&c. And of the laft, in verf. 36, Sec. So that this of ver. 30/3 i.muft 
concerne fome otherthingthanthe endof theWorld. And that the 
three fore-named Scriptures are properly to be underftood of the 
yews, the texts doe fhow; for that of Zechariak, (from whence the 
other two places are taken ) exprefly faith, / will poure upon the 
houfe of David, and the inhabitants of Jerufalem, &c. and other 
paflages to the fame purpofe in verf. 1 1, 1 2, 13. of Z'^cAar. 12. And in 
the two places oiMat. 34. and Apoc. i. it is exprefly applyed to the 
fewes; for in Mat. it is. All the Tribes of the earth Jhall mourn, 
and fee him; that is, All the twelve Tribes fcattered upon the face 
of the whole earth, and thefe fhall be gathered by the Angels from 
the foure winds. And that of^^poc. clearly to be applyed alfo 
to them, for it is faid, They that pierced him,fhall fee him; that is, 
th& f ewes; and All the Tribes (for fo the word ^vXal ought to be 
rendred) of the earth JhalL^aile ; that is, the twelve Tribes fcatte- 
red throughoutall places, ^^owthtmeane'fih&xthy thtkj ewes(ha\\ 
be converted, is, And they Jhall fee him; that is, Jefus Chrift, 
forthofe words arein all the threeScriptures. It fliall be fuchafight, 
as the Ifraeliteshud of theBrazen Serpent in the Wildernefle, it was 
healing to them. Such a fightas Paul had of Chrift in Heaven, upon 
which he faith, that he had feene the Lord. For particularities 
about this fight. I fliall leave them, knowing thiLtfecret things doe 
belong to God. 

And becaufe after that I had publiflied in Englijh, about laft 
Autumne, the Booke of Menajfeh Ben Ifrael, called. The Hope 
oflfrael, I received a Letter from an Honourable Perfon, concer- 
ning that Booke, to which I wrote an Anfwer, and both containe 

I fome 


56 CoTifiderations upon the point, 

fome further difcourfe about the Jewes, and their Converfion ; 
therefore I thought good to give you them, and they are thefe 
which follow. 

To the Tranflator oi Menajjeh ; Ben Ifraels 
fpes Ifraelis. 


IDeJire to he acquainted luith you, hecaufe we have loth fallen 
upon one Booke, with the fame intentions to convert the Jewes, 
though we take not one way; Idefre therefore to conferre with you, 
to fee who taketh the right e/i way. You by your Tranflation feeme 
to me to prize the learned Jewes writing too much, which will be- 
get pride, and not humility in him, without which he will not turne, 
repent, and hefaved. Therefore for his good, and alfofor the Chri- 
Jiians, and for the credit of us who are Parliamentarians, I would 
not fee them too much yeelded unto. You jiiftly perfringe him in 
his thirtieth SeSiion, wherein he talkes fo wildly of his goodly 
Martyrs, and truly if you marke him in his Difcourfe upon the 
Sabatticall River, which where it is he knownes not, you willflnde 
him as faidty and dangerous, if we have any of the race of the 
Thraskytes left among us; but Sir, in that you thinke that the 
Jev/esjhall now be called as a Nation, and not only by particulars, 
and would have them have an earthly Kingdome againe ; you doe 
more for the ten Tribes then he would have himfelfe, Se6l. 25. 
p. 79. 80. and for the other two, q/"Judah, and Benjamin, it is notfo 
likely they Jhould have a fecond Call, feeing that Chrijl and his 
Apojiles preached to them, and all that were of the Ele6iion were 
then converted, as you may fee by many texts, and after their re- 
jeSiion of the Gofpell, their Country-men, Paul, and Peter turned 
to the Gentiles. Therefore thofe two Tribes who Crucified our 
Lord, and perfecuted his Jpoflles, are not fo likely to be called 
againe as the ten Tribes who did neither, except fome few who re- 
turned into the holy Land ; neither did many of them fo much as 
heare of it, you might fee your owne fentence fulfilled then. Firfi, 


Of the converfion of the J ewes. ^^ 

the Jew was called, and then the Gentile. But now looke not for it, 
hut for their fugle converfons, though numbers may he called upon 
one day, one Sermon as they were heretofore ; hut they mtift not ex- 
alt themf elves as a Nation, for they mti/i he ingrafted againe upon 
that hranch, or Vine, Chri/i Jefus, and we mti/i have one 
Shepheard, and he one flock. See Rom. ii. ver. 31. which you cite. 
Through yourmercytheymayalfoobtainmercy; Ihadwrit it{iha.]\) 
hut it is only ( may : )fee the place to which this relates, Ifa. 59- v. 
19, 30, 2,1. where youjhallfinde that all their hope is in eternalls, 
not in temporalis ; and looke upon Rom, 11. 34. concerning the en- 
grafting, and clearly, [unlej/e you he a Millenarian) you willfnde 
no fuch Nationall glory of the Jewes ; therefore I pray you take 
heed you fall 7iot into the fame fnare wherein the Jewes are, to looke 
for a temporall reigne, which youfeeme to intimate, and too many 
were, and are of that opinion. Affure your f elf e that Chriji will 
come to fuch as a theife in the night, though his comming will he 
very glorious, yet it will hefuddaine; the learned Jew canfinde no 
text punSiuall in all his Booke, hut whatfoever he citeth, the fame 
Chapter makes agairift him, and fpeakes not of temporallity, hut of 
eternity, and the new J erufalem. I reji, defrous of your friend/hip. 

Oaob. 5. 1650. E. S. 


I Have it from a good hand, that Mqfier Jo. Dury is the 
Tranflator of that Booke, and I havefome Arguments to heleeve 
it to hefo, hecaufe he fe ernes to he of the fame minde in his Epi/io- 
licall Difcourfe hefore Mr: Thorowgoods pious Booke, which I 
have gained f nee I wrote this Letter. But truly if it hefo, Imujl 
move Mr. Dury hoth to amend his Tranjlation from groffe faults, 
and to make fame retraSiions upon that Epi/ile, which upon confe- 
rence Ifhall mofi plainely Jhew him, and in the meane time I de- 
fire him, that he will read a Booke of a mofl reverend and pious 
man, called. The Revelation unrevealed ; and therehy I heleeve he 
will he convinced, and not looke for a fifth generall Monarchy up- 
on earth ; for Chri/i reignes now, and hath fo done ever fince his 
Jfcenfion, andfo (hall to the end of the World, untill he deliver 
the Kingdome to the Father. 

Oiftob. 35. 1650. 
I 3 SIR: 


58 Conjiderations upon the point, 

SIR : The anjwer to the Letter. 

I Received a Letter direfted, To the Tranjlator of Spes Ifraelis, 
which worke thus correfted^as I here-with prefent to you, I con- 
feffemine. I left itwith a friend to feeit printed, my felfe going into 
theCountryj but his occafions called him from the Cityalfo,when 
it fhould have been reviewed; which is the reafon that though there 
be many£?Ta;a'5 in theBooke,that they are not gathered up at the 
end. At my owne reading of it, I found many, and mended thofe I 
found ; and now I know that it hath farre fewer then it had, and may 
pafletoJlerably; though neither I, nor what I doe,can befaid fault- 
lefle.<{^Concerning your defire of converting the J ewes, it is truly 
Chrifi:ian,and a worke thatfhall not loofeits reward. But you fay. 
We difagree about the way, that is very poffible, for apprehenfions 
are various, and men mufl: thinke, not as others doe, but as them- 
felves can, taking what is truth to them, to be their guide. But the 
queer e is, Who lights on the beft way. For my part, I pretend not 
toany way to convert them, for Iverilythinke that when it dial] be 
done, it will be Gods work^ and not mans; as much as Pauls con- 
verfion was wholly of God;/which himfelfe makes the type, or pat- 
terne of the converfio«-of"Ris Country-men; as Mr. Mede faith up- 
on I Tim. I. 16. in his Fragmenta facra, which I know not whe- 
ther they be in print, or no. You fay, I prize the learned lewes writ- 
ingtoo much, and that itwill begetpridein them ) Sir, pardon me,if 
I doe not recant till I fee myerrour; but then I fhall freely doe it. I 
confeffe, I doe prize the Learned, whether lew, or Gentile, for 
though I am not croi^o';, yet I am <^CK6ao<^o'; and I doe beleeve the 
Avithov o{ Spes Ifraelis to be a very learned man; and I haveitfrom 
thofe who are acquainted with him, that he is a very ingenuous and 
civill man; and others there are, and have been among them, not 
wanting a nameforgood learning. Asforthefomentingtheirpride) 
truly that vice isfo evill,thatIwouldnotcheri{hit,neitherinmyfelf, 
nor in others. But Sir, whether is a more likely way to gaine upon 
men, to ufe them civilly, and with the fpirit of meeknefle, or to be 
fupercilious and tart towards them ? What got Auftine the Monke 
by ufing theBrittainesof 5aw^or fo Lordly as he did? and (to come 
to latter dayes) did Mr. Brovghton gaine upon a learned Rabbi, in a 
Conference at Dort, where Mr. Forbes was Moderator, by his high 
and peremptory language? This he reaped, to fet the Jew at a grea- 
ter diflance from Chriftianifme,andanabatingofhisowneefl:eeme,in 


Of the converfion of the J ewes. 59 

the judgement of wife men. As for Menajfeh's Sabbaticall river, I 
know many Authors have faid it, but whether true, or falfe, that is 
aslam from thewildeopinionsof Mr. Thrask. But thefe are of lefle 
concernment; you fall upon the maineofyour judgement which re- 
lates to them,and pardonme if Ideale as roundlyin myanfwer ; for 
I defire to have refpefl: to Truth, and not to man. I doe firmly be- 
leeve,and feare not to profefle it; That t\\e.Jewes fliall be called as a 
Nation, both Judaha-ni i/raeZ, and fliali returnetotheir owneLand, 
and have an earthly Kingdome againe. For the proofe of which, I 
could fay much, but fhall now but little; and if poffibly I cite any 
thing whichiVfe«q^A Sera T/j-aeZbrings for himfelfe, beleeve me that 
I have it not from him, but frommyowneobfervations outof Scrip- 
ture, fome yeares fince. There is weight in that place of Mic. 4. 8. 
Thefirjl dominion, the Kingdome Jhall come to the daughter offe- 
rufalem ; and this is fpoken of times after Chrifts incarnation, and 
not yet performed. See that of Zech. 10. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. there is 
JtidahsLudEphraimfore-told tobebrought toGilead,a.nA Lebanon, 
and they fhall fo encreafe, that they fhall want room. Say not this 
wasdoneinthereturne of thofefewfromtheCaptivityofSaiy/ora; 
forthofeof the ten Tribesthatthen returned, were but fomegleanings 
of them; and ofjudah it felfe, there returned but about one halfe: 
now God doth not promife Mountaines, and performe butMole-hils; 
yea in verf. 6. God luillfave andjlrengthen the houfe q/"Judah, and 
of Jofeph, and they fhall he as though I had not caft them off. 
Which,if fince thatProphefie,it hath been madegoodofy2<(faA,yet be 
{avenotoij ofeph. And inv.7. They of Ephraim Jhall helikeamigh- 
ty man, but fince the captivity of Salmanqffar to this day, what 
might hath Ephraim fhown ? yea is he not poore, weak, fcattered, 
and unknowne.' And in ver. 8. 1 will gather them, and they Jhall 
encreafe as they have encreafed; hath this been fulfilled of Ephra- 
im? Where is his fruitfulnefle, which his nameimports.' much lefl"e 
hath there been a time fincetheirgreat captivity, in which they have 
encreafed to their numbers and ftrength, mentioned in the dayes of 
Mofes, Jq/hua,David, Solomon, and under their owne Kings, after 
the defeftion from the houfe of David. See that noted place of 
Ezek. 37. 16, 17. 22. 34, 25. Sir, in good earnefl:, hath this Scrip- 
ture been fulfilled ? hath fudah and Ephraim been hut onejlick 
in Gods hand, hut one Nation, fo that they fhall he no more two Na- 

I 3 tions, 


6o Confideralions upon the point, 

tions,&smvtr.'i2. Surely to this day they have been from their laft 
difperfionnotonly two, but many Nations. Neitherwill itbeanan- 
fwertofay,ThatnowtheyarenoNation, therefore they are not two; 
yes,HiftoriansreportthemmanyNations; though perhapsfcarceaf- 
terthejuftrulesof Nations. And that phrafe hath not anegative, but 
apofitive fence,notthattheyfliould benothing, but thattheyfliould 
be one Nation. 'M.o':t-ovc^v,\\\ve.r.i^.Judaha.nAEphraim\Ne.rt fo to 
be one Nation, that Davie? ( that is Jefus Chrift ) was to be King over 
them: And when did ^z^daA and T/raeZever to this day, as a Nation 
acknowledge the Soveraignty of Jefus Chrift? and he to be their 
Prince for ever, as in ver. 35. But I muft not too much enlarge. I 
fliall only adde this; That as many places of the 01d,fo many in the 

^^NewTeftament agree thereto, as Rom. 11, ver. 12. 15. 25, a6. a8. 

/Though this of thei?07Kaw5,£hiefly proves one point,/c. their gene- 
rail or Nationall converfion^Give me leave briefly to anfwer your 
objeftions. Youfay,Th'ecallofyzfda/tandBe«;'awmis not fo likely, 
becaufeChriftand the Apoftlespreached to them already. I anfwer; 
that by their preaching,all of thofe living, who were elefted, were con- 
verted; but after-ages have anew race,and God hath his number a- 
mong them too; yea the words run high, then All Ifraeljhall lefa- 
ved. You fay,thofe twoTribes who crucified Chrift,not fo likelyto 
be converted. I anfwer, by how much their fin is greater, by fo much 
the greater will Gods mercy be; Et Dei novijjima erunt optima, & 
maxima. You fay,Their converfionfhall befingle, thatisanfwered 
already ; but I adde, that Ifaiak is contrary to it, in Ifa. 66. 7, 8. 
which Chapter I doubt not but it points to times afterour Saviour. As 
for their being engraffed upon the Vine Chrifl:, or being brought to 
onefheep-fold, what doth thathinder but that they may beaNation 
of Converts brought to their owne Land? You objeft that oiRom. 
II. 31. That through your mercy they may ohtaine mercy. I an- 
fwer,that I beleeve the maine of their con verfion will be fromHeaven, 
and extraordinary; though the Ge«/i/e^ by provoking them to emu- 
lation, and alfo by their gifts and graces, may fome way be auxiliary 
to them. After this youarepleafed to put the term Millenarian up- 
on me; which, though for what I have writ, I need not owne, yet I 
will not difclaime; theyare notNamesthatafFrightme,butreall fal- 
fities. The term Chiliq/i, as it congregates the many odde,and falfe 
opinions of them of old, I explode; though to beleeve thofe thoufand 
yeares in jipoc. 20. to be yet unfulfilled, that, I willingly owne. To 


Of the converfion of the Reives. 6i 

put that fenfe upon them, as that they imply the thoufand yeares of 
etemitVjIcan thinke little lefle of it then to be a contradiftion . Againe, 
if the thoufand yeares be the eternity in Heaven, what meanes that in 
ver. 3. Till the thoufand yeares be fulfilled, and after that he muft 
be loafed for a little feaf on ; I pray, what little feafon is that that is 
after eternity? neither doth Chrifts comming fuddenly in the night 
a^a /Aej/(?,hinder,but that when he doth come, he may ftay a thou- 
fand yeares. Butwhether that time he.ante,in,0T pq/i diemjudicii,is 
notmytasketo determine,ormaintaine. As forwhatyouaddeinthe 
now. I anfwer,that though he reignes dejure, yet not defaSto; for 
exprefly in Scripture the Devill is called Koa/jLOKpaTap he is the grand 
Tyrant, and great Ufurper, and the whole world Kelrai iv -jrh Trovrjpm 
yet lam farre from denying toChrifl: a Kingdome now in being, /c. 
Spiritual!, andlnvifible,butl looke foravifible one to come. In the 
clofe(as alfo at the beginning) you are pleafed todefire myacquain- 
tance; but Sir, I look not upon my felf as a Star of fo confiderable a 
magnitude, as to prefent my felfe to your eyes; but if I might be fo 
happy as to be capable toferveyou really, none fhould bemoredefi- 
rous of it (both as you are a Gentleman of Learning, by which you 
haveobligedthepublick; and alfo a Member of that Houfe which I fo 
much honour ) than Sir, 

Novemb. 5. 1650. Yojir moji humble Servant 

M. W. 


I Doe now very highly efieeme of my interefi in your converfation, 
and thanke you very much for your kinde viftations, which I 
Jhal endeavour to repay, and defre by thefe you will tell me where, if 
you be in town; IJhall continue in town till monday noone be pqffed, 
and will meet you at the Stationers, or any where elfe youfhall ap- 
point; very necejfary, and too urgent occafions hindred my comming 
to — untill Iqft night. I havefomewhat thought with my felf of the 
faire propqfition of re-printing what concernes Ben Ifrael, the con- 
verfion and generall call of the Jewijh Nation, to which I now more 
perceive our ferious endeavours and hopes doe encline. But I mji/i 
needs fay, that Ben Ifraels Booke gives very f mall hopes of his con- 
verfion; Of which notwithftanding neither you nor my felfe ought 


62 Confiderations upon the point, &c. 

to defpaire,for Saul the learned ^tw from a fever e Perfectitor be- 
came a Paul, a holy and remarkable Saint ; IJhall not at prefent 
enlarge my felfe unto you, leajl IJhould prove troublefome, or im- 
pertinent till things be ripened between us by a conference, but if it 
be neceffary youjhould print againe before I fee you, lonly defire this 
Letter ofminefhould be printed. For I embrace your candor and 
ingenuity as much as you doe mine, and I hope love and knowledge 
will Jiill encreafe between us, and I fhall fay with the Pfalmtfi, 
Let therighteousfmiteme friendly^and reprove me,but let not their 
precious balme breake my head; I have no defire to gaine applaufe 
of thofe who are without, or hazard their cenfure in that which 
more learned men, but not fo loving, may fay, that I write flight 
things, but I had rather firfi fhew them that I can write ferious 
things as well as fight, by tran/latio?t of fame part of Peter Gala- 
tine & Reuchlin, which is now my travaile, as I in part fhewed 
you ; I remaine, 

Febr. ai. Your friend in the trueft intereft of 

1650, Chriftian love. 


Errata maxlmi momentl. 

JN the fecond Epift. p. 2.1. 8. dele happy,in the 3 Epift. p. i . 1. 2 8.r.invironed,p. 
2.1.3.r.Carthagena,p.3.1.i2.delefo,p.6,1.2i.r.thy,p.i8.1. ig.r.hatingjp.ig.l. 
1.27.1. honouredj^^rfl^fl»iA'o/i5r«!,withp.44.1.24.r.forthefe,p.46.1. 1 6.delethe, 
p. 49. 1. 34. & he faith, thofe muft be nulled before. 







England, Scotland, ^;?^ Ireland. 


O F 

Menasseh Ben Ifrael, a T)ivine^ and 

T>oaor of THTSICF^, in behalf e 

of the yewijh !?(ation. 



His HighnefTe the Lord Protector 


Common-wealth of England, 
Scotland, and Ireland. 

The Humble Addrejjes of Menaffeh Ben Ifrael, a Divine 
and Do£lor of Phyjick, in behalf of the lewifh Nation. 

Ive me leave, at fuch a jun6lure of time, to 
fpeak to your Highneffe, in a ftyle and 
manner fitting to us J ewes and our condi- 
tion. It is a thing moll certaine, that the 
great God of Ifrael, Creator of Heaven 
and Earth, doth give and take away Do- 
minions and Empires, according to his owne pleafure; ex- 
alting fome, and overthrowing others : who, feeing he 
hath the hearts of Kings in his hand, he eafily moves them 
whitherfoever himfelfe pleafeth, to put in execution his 
Divine Commands. This, my Lord, appeares moft evi- 
dently out of thofe words of Daniel, where he, rendring 
thanks unto God, for revealing unto him that prodigious 
Dreame of Nebuchadnezar, doth fay : Thou that remo- 
vefl Kings, and fets up Kings. And elfe-where. To the 
end the living might know, that the Highefl hath domi- 
nion in Mans Kingdome, and giveth the fame to whom he 
pleafe. Of the very fame-minde are the Thalmudi/ls like- 
wife, affirming that a good Government, or Governor,"? 
is a Heavenly Gift, and that there is no Governor, but j 
is firft called by God unto that dignity : and this they 
prove from that paffage oi Exodtis : Behold I have called 
Bazalel by name, &c. all things being governed by 
Divine Providence, God difpenfing rewards unto Ver- 
tues, and punifhment unto Vices, according to his owne 

A 2 . ■ good 



good Will. This the Examples of great Monarchs make 
good ; efpecially of fuch, who have afflifted the people 
of Ifrael : For none hath ever afiflidled them, who hath 
not been by fome ominous Exit, moft heavily punifh- 
ed of God Almighty ; as is manifeft from the Hiftories 
of thofe Kings, Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezar, Antiochus, 
' Epipkanius,Pompey,dLndoi\\&YS. Andonthecontrary,none 
ever was a Benefa6lor to that people, and cherifhed them 
in their Countries, who thereupon hath not prefently be- 
gun very much to flourifh. In fo much that the Oracle 
to Abraham (I will blej/e them that bleffe thee, and curfe 
them that curfe thee) feemeth yet daily to have its accom- 
plifhment. Hence I, one of the leaft among the Hebrews, 
fince by experience I have found, that through Gods great 
bounty toward us, many confiderable and eminent per- 
fons both for Piety and Power, are moved with fmcere 
and inward pitty and compaffion towards us, and do com- 
fort us concerning the approaching deliverance oi Ifrael, 
could not but for my felf, and in the behalf of my Coun- 
trey men, make this my humble addreffe to your Highnefs, 
and befeech you for Gods fake, that ye would, according 
to that Piety and Power wherein you are eminent beyond 
others, vouchfafe to grant, that the Great and Glorious 
Name of the Lord our God may be extolled, and folemn- 
ly worfhiped and praifed by us through all the bounds of 
this Common-wealth ; and to grant us place in your Coun- 
trey, that we may have our Synagogues, and free exercife 
of our Religion. I nothing doubting, but that yourClemen- 
cy will eafily grant this moft equitable Petition of ours. Pa- 
gans have of old, out of reverence to the God of Ifrael; 
&the efteem they had to his people, granted moft willingly 
free liberty, even to apoftated J ewes ; as Onias the High 
Prieft, to build another Temple in their Countrey, like 
unto that at Jerufalem : how much more then may we, 
that are not Apoftate or runagate lewes, hope it from your 


Highneffe and your Chriftian Councill, fince you have fo 
great knowledge of, and adore the fame one onely God of 
Ifrael, together with us. Befides, it increafes our confidence 
of your bounty towards us, in that fo foon as ever the ru- 
mour of that moft wifhed-for liberty, that ye were a think- 
ing to grant us, was made known unto our Countrey-men ; 
I, in the name of my Nation, the lewes, that live in Hol- 
land, did congratulate and entertaine their Excellencies, 
the Ambaffadors of England; who were received in our. 
Synagogue with as great pomp and applaufe, Hymns and 
cheerfulneffeof minde,as ever any Soveraigne Prince was. 
For our people did in their owne mindes prefage, that the 
Kingly Government being now changed into that of a 
Common-wealth, the antient hatred towards them, would 
alfo be changed into good-will : that thofe rigorous Laws 
(if any there be yet extant, made under the Kings) againft 
fo innocent a people, would happily be repealed. So that 
we hope now for better from your gentlenefs, & goodnefs, 
fince, from the beginning of your Government of this 
Common-wealth, your Highneffe hath profeffed much re- 
fpeft, and favour towards us. Wherefore I humblyentreat 
your Highneffe, that you would with a gracious eye have 
regard unto us, and our Petition, and grant unto us, as you 
have done unto others, free exercife of our Religion, that 
we may have our Synagogues, and keep our own publick 
worftiip, as our brethren doe in Italy, Germany, Poland, 
and many other places, and we fhall pray for the happi- 
neffe and Peace of this your much renowned and puiffant 

A 'X A 







Common-wealth of England, 


"^bbi Menajfeh "Ben Israel, {hewing 
the Motives of his coming into England. 

Avingfome yeares Jince often perceived that 
in this Nation, God hath a People, that is 
very tender-hearted, andwell-wijhing to our 
fore-affliBed Nation ; Yea, I my felfe ha- 
ving fome Experience thereof, in divers 
Eminent perfons, excelling both in Piety and 
Learning: I thoughtwithmy-felf Ifhoulddonofmallfervice 
to my owne Nation, as alfo to the People and Inhabitants oj 
this Common-wealth, if by humble addreffes to the late Ho- 
nourable Parliament,! might obtaine afafe-Condufl once to 
tranfport my felfe thither. WhichI having done, and accor- 
ding to my defire, received a mofl kinde andfatisfaBory An- 
fwer, I now am come. And to the end all Men m,ay know the 
true Motives and Intent of this my coming, I fhall briefly 
comprehend and deliver them in thefe partictilars. 

Firfl and formoft, my Intention is to try, if by Gods 
good hand overme, I m,ay obtaine here for m,y Nationthe Li- 
bertyof afreeandpublickSynagogue,whereinwe may daily 
callupon the Lord our God,that once he may be pleafed to re- 
member his Mercies and Promifes done to our Forefathers, 


forgiving our tre/paffes, and rejloring us once againe into 
our fathers Inheritance; andbefides tofue alfo for a bleffing 
upon this Nation, and People <7/'England,yi?;' receiving us 
into their bofomes, and comforting Sion in her d^ref/e. 

My fecond Motive is, becaufe the opinion of manyj 
Chriflians and mine doe concurre herein, that we both be- \' 
lieve that the refloringtimeofour Nation into their Native 
Countrey, is 'very neer at hand; I believing more par-' 
ticularly, that this rejlauration cannot be, beforethefe words 
^Daniel, Chap. 12. ver. 7. be firfl accomplifhed, when he 
faith, And when the difperfion of the Holy people fhall 
be compleated in all places, then fhall all thefe things be 
compleated -.fignifyingtherewith, that before allbefulfilled, \ 
thePeopleofGodm,uJlbefirfidifperfedintoallplaces &Coun- 
treyes of the World. Now we know, how our Nation at the 
prefent is fpread all about, and hath its feat and dwelling in 
of the World, as well in America, as in the other three parts 
thereof; except onely in this confiderable and mighty Ifland. ; 
And therefore this remains onely in my judgement, before j 
the Messia come andreftore our Nation, thatfirjl we muH' 
have our feat here likewife. 

My third Motive is grounded on the profit that I conceive 
this Common wealth is to reap, if it fhall vouchfafe to receive j 
us; for thence,! hope, there will follow a great blefjing from | 
God upon them, and a very abundant trading into, and from \ 
all parts of the World, not onely without prejudice to the En- j 
glifh Nation, but for their profit, both in Importation, and ' 
Exportation of goods. Yet if any fhall doubt hereof, Itruft , 
their Charity towards the people of God, willfatisfie them, 
efpecially when they fhall reade the enfuing Treatife. - 
The fourth Motive of my coming hither, is, myfincereaf- 
fe^lion to this Common wealth, by reafonoffomany Worthy, 
Learned, and Pious men in this Nation, whofe loving kind- 
nefie and Piety I have experience of: hoping tofinde the like 


affe£lion in all the People generally ; the more, becaufe I al- 
wayes have, both by writing and deeds, prof ejfed much incli- 
nation to this Common-wealth; and that I per/wade myfelfe 
they will be mindfullof that Command of the Lord our God, 
whofo highly recommends unto allmen the love of ftrangers; 
much more to thofe that profeffe their good affeBion to them. 
For thisi defire all may be confident of, that I am not come to 
make any di/lurbance, or to move any difputes about matters 
of Religion ; but onely to live with my Nation tn thefeare 
of the Lord, under the fhadow of your protection, whiles we 
expert with you the hope of Ifrael to be revealed. 


Fol. I 

How Profitable 

The Nation of the lewes are. 

Hree things, if it pleafe your Highneffe, there 
are that make a ftrange Nation wel-beloved a- 
mongfl the Natives of a land where they dwell : 
(as the defedl of thofe three things make them 
hatefull.) viz. Profit, they may receive from' 
them ; Fidelity they hold towards their Princes; 
and the Noblenes and purity of their blood. 


Now when I fhall have made good, that all thefe three things are 
found in the lewijh Nation, I fhall certainly perfuade your High- 
neffe, that with a favorable eye, (Monarchy being changed into a 
Republicq) you fhall be pleafed to receive again the Nation of the 
lews, who in time paft lived in that Ifland : but, I know not by 
what falfe Informations, were cruelly handled and banifhed. 

Profit is a mofl powerfull motive, and which all the World pre- 
ferres before all other things : and therefore we fhall handle that 
point firft. 

It is a thing confirmed, that merchandizing is, as it were, the pro- 
per profeffion of the Nation of the lews. I attribute this in the firft 
place, to the particular Providence and mercy of God towards his 
people: for having banifhed them from their own Country, yet not 
from his Proteftion, he hath given them, as it were, a naturall in- 
ftin6l, by which they might not onely gain what was neceffary for 
their need, but that they fhould alfo thrive in Riches and poffef- 
fions; whereby they fhould not onely become gracious to their 
Princes and Lords, but that they fhould be invited by others to 
come and dwell in their Lands. 

Moreover, it cannot be denyed,but that neceffity flirrs up a mans 
ability and induftry ; and that it gives him great incitement, by all 
means to trie the favour of Providence. 

A Befides, 


Befides, feeing it is no wifedome for them to endeavour the 
gaining of Lands and other immovable goods, and fo to impri- 
fon their poffeffions here, where their perfons are fubje6l to fo ma- 
ny cafualities, banifhments and peregrinations ; they are forced to 
ufe marchandizing untill that time, when they fhall returne to their 
own Country, that then as God hath promifed by the Prophet Za- 
chary, Their Jhall be found no more any mar chant am-ong/l them in 
the Houfe of the Lord. 

From that very thing we have faid, there rifeth an infallible Pro- 
fit, commodity and gain to all thofe Princes in whofe Lands they 
dwell above all other ftrange Nations whatfoever, as experience 
by divers Reafons doth confirme. 

I. The lews, have no oportunity to live in their own Country, 
to till the Lands or other like employments, give themfelves wholy 
unto merchandizing, and for contriving new Inventions, no Na- 
tion almoft going beyond them. And fo 't is obferved, that where- 
foever they go to dwell, there prefently the Traficq begins to flo- 
rifti. Which may be feen in divers places, efpecially in Ligorne, 
which having been but a very ignoble and inconfiderable City, is 
at this time, by the great concourfe of people, one of the mofl fa- 
mous places of Trafique of whole Italy. 

Furthermore, the Inventor of the famous Scala de Spalatro (the 
moft firme and folid Traficq of Venice^ was a lew, who by this his 
Invention tranfported the Negotiation from a great part of the Le- 
vant into that City. 

Even that very fame is feene likewife at this day in Nizza and in 
other innumerable places more, both in Europe and Afia. 

II. The Nation of the lews is difperfed throughout the whole 
World, it being a chaftifement that God hath layd upon them for 
their Idolatries, Deut. 28,69. Ezech. 20,23. Nehem. 1,8. Pf. 107,27. 
and by other their finnes their families fuffer the fame fhipwrack. 

Now in this difperfion our Fore-fathers flying from the Spanifh 
Inquifition, fome of them came in Holland, others got into Ita- 
ly, and others betooke themfelves into Afia; and fo eafily they cre- 

dit one another ; and by that meanes they draw the Negotiation 
where-ever they are, where with all of them marchandifing and 
having perfe6l knowledge of all the kinds of Moneys, Diamants, 
Cochinil, Indigo, Wines, Oyle, and other Commodities, that 
ferve from place to place ; efpecially holding corfefpondence with 
their friends and kinds-folk, whofe language they underfland; they 
do abundantly enrich the Lands and Countrys of ftrangers, where 
they live, not onely with what is requifite and neceffary for the life 
of man ; but alfo what may ferve for ornament to his civill condi- 
tion. 'Df which Traficq, there arifeth ordinarily Five important be- 

1 . The augmentation of the Publiq Tolls and Cuflomes, at their 
coming and going out of the place. 

2. The tranfporting and bringing in of marchandifes from re- 
mote Countries. 

3. The affording of Materials in great plenty for all Mechaniqs ; 
as Wooll, Leather, Wines; Jewels, as Diamants, Pearles, andfuch 
like Merchandize. 

4. The venting and exportation of fo many kinds of Mani- 

5. The Commerce and reciprocall Negotiation at Sea, which 
is the ground of Peace between neighbour Nations, and of great 
profit to their own Fellow-cittizens. 

III. This reafon is the more ftrengthened, when we fee, that 
not onely the lewifh Nation dwellingin Holland and Italy, trafificqs 
with their own flock, but alfo with the riches of many others of 
their own Nation, friends, kinds-men and acquaintance, which not- 
withftanding live in Spaine, and fend unto them their moneys and 
goods, which they hold in their hands, and content themfelves with 
a very fmall portion of their eftate, to the end they may be fecure 
and free from danger that might happen unto them, in cafe they 
fhould fall under the yoke of the Inquifition ; whence not onely 
their goods, but oftentimes alfo their lives are endangered. 

IV. The love that men ordinarily beare to their own Country 

A 2 and 



and the defire they have to end their lives, where they had their be- 
gining, is the caufe, that moft ftrangers having gotten riches where 
they are in a forain land, are commonly taken in a defire to returne 
to their native foil, and there peaceably to enjoy their eftate; fo that 
as they were a help to the places where they lived, and negotiated 
while they remained there; fo when they depart from thence, they 
carry all away, and fpoile them of their wealth : tranfporting all into 
their own native Country : But with the lews the cafe is farre diffe- 
rent ; for where the lews are once kindly receaved, they make a 
firm refolution never to depart from thence, feeing they have no 
proper place of their own : and fo they are alwayes with their goods 
in the Cities where they live, a perpetuall benefit to all payments. 
Which reafons do clearly proove, that it being the property of Cit- 
tizens in populous and rich countries, to feeke their reft and eafe 
with buying lands and faire poffeffion of which they live; many of 
them hating commerce, afpire to Titles and Dignities : therefore 
of all ftrangers, in whofe hands ordinarily Trafique is found, there 
are none fo profitable and beneficiall to the place where they trade 
and live, as is the Nation of the lews. And feeing amongft the peo- 
ple of Europ, the chiefeft riches they poffeffe, fom from Spain, thofe 
neighbour Nations, where the lews ftiall finde liberty to live accor- 
ding to their own ludaicall Laws, they fhall moft eafily draw that 
benefit to themfelves by means of the induftry of our Nation, and 
their mutuall correfpondance. 

From hence (if it pleafe your Highnes) it refults, that the lewifh 
Nation, though fcattered through the whole World, are not there- 
fore a defpifable people, but as a Plant worthy to be planted in the 
whole world, and received into Populous Cities : who ought to 
plant them in thofe places, which are moft fecure from danger ; 
being trees of moft favory fruit and profit, to be alwayes moft fa- 
voured with Laws and Priviledges, or Prerogatives, fecured and 
defended by Armes\ AnExampleof this we havein our times. His 
Majefty, the Illuftrious King of Denmark, invited them with fpe- 
ciall Priviledges into Geluckftadt : the Duke of Savoy into Nifa of 


Provence ; and the Duke of Modina in Retio, allowing them fuch 
conditions and benefices, as like never were prefented unto them 
by any other Prince, as appeareth by the copy of thofe Priviledges, 
which I have in my hands. But fuppofing it would be a matter of 
too large extention, if I fhould make a relation of all the places un- 
der whofe Princes the lews live, I will onely fpeake briefly of the 
two Tribes ludah and Benjamin. Thefe in India in Cochin have 
4 Synagogues, one part of thefe lews being there of a white co- 
lour, and three of a tawny; thefe being mofl favoured by the King. 
In the year 1640. dyed Samuel Caftoel, Governour of the City, 
and Agent for the King, and David Cafloel his fonne fucceeded 
in his place. In Perfia there is a great number of lews, and they live 
indifferent freely : there are alfo amongfl them that are in favour 
and great refpe6l by the King, and who live there very bravely. 
Some years paft, there was Elhazar Huza, the Viceroy, and now 
there is David Ian; if yet he be living. In the year 1636. the Saltan 
Amarat took in Bagdad, and puting all to the fword, he command- 
ed that they fhould not touch the lews, nor their houfes, and befides 
that, he freed them from one half of the tribuit they were wont to 
pay to the Perfian. 

But the chiefeft placewhere the lews life, is the Turkifh Empire, 
where fome of them live in great eftate, even in the Court of the 
Grand Turke at Conftantinople, by reafon there is no Viceroy, or 
Governour, or Baffa, which hath not a lew to manage his affaires, 
and to take care for his efhate : Hence it cometh that in fhort time 
they grow up to be Lords of great revenues, and they moft frequent- 
ly bend the minds of Great ones to moft weighty affaires in go- 

The greateft Viceroy of whole Europe is the Baffaof Egypt; this 
Baffa always takes to him, by order of the Kingdome, a lew with 
the title of Zaraf- Baffa ( Threfurer) viz. of all the Revenues of that 
government, who receaves purfes full of money, feals them, and 
then fends them to the King. This man in a fhort time grows very 
rich, for that by his hands as being next to the Baffa, the 24 Go- 



vernments of that Empire are lould and given, and all other bu- 
fineffes managed. At prefent he that poffeffeth this place, is cal- 
led S"'. Abraham Alhula. The number of the lews living in this 
Kingdome of the Great Turke, is very great, and amounts to ma- 
ny Millions. In Conftantinople alone there are 48 Synagogues, 
and in Salaminque 36, and more then fourefcore thoufand foules 
in thefe two Cities alone. 

The firft King gave them great priviledges which they enjoy 
untill this day : for befides the liberty, they have every-where, of 
trading with open fhops, of bearing any Office and poffeffing of 
any goods, both mooveable and immooveable, he yet graunted 
them power to judge all Civill caufes according to their own Laws 
amongfl themfelves. Moreover they are exempted from going to 
Warres, and that fouldiers Ihould be quartered in their houfes, and 
that Juflice fhould take no place upon the death of any one that left 
no heir to his Eftate. 

"Tn all which they are preferred before the naturall Turks them- 
felves. For which caufe they pay in fome Cittys to the King three 
Patacons, and in others two and a half by the pole. 

In this eflate fome of the lews have grown to great fortunes; as 
Jofeph Nafino, unto whom Amatus Lufitanus dedicated his fifth 
and fixth Centuriae, was by Sultan Solime made Duke of Maccia, 
Earleof Andro, Seignorof Millo, and thefeaven Iflands: And Ja- 
cob Ben-Iaes by Sultan Amurat, was made Governour of the Ti- 
beriades : fo likewife otherswere exalted to very great and Eminent 
Dignities : as was that Selomo Rofe, that was fent for Ambaffador 
at Venice, where he confirmed the laft Peace with Amurat. In Ger- 
many, there lives alfo a great multitude of Jews, efpecially at Prague, 
Vienna and Franckfurt, very much favoured by the moft mild and 
moft gracious Emperours, but defpifed of the people, being a Na- 
tion not very finely garnifhed by reafon of their vile cloathing : yet 
notwithflanding there is not wanting amongft them perfons of 
great quality. The Emperour Matthias made Noble both Mardo- 
chai Mairel, and Ferdinando Jacob Bar Seba. 



But yet a greater number of lews are found in the Kingdome of 
Poland, Pruffia and Lethuania, under which Monarchy they have 
the Jurifdi(5lion to judge amongfl themfelves all caufes, both Cri- 
minal and Civil; andalfo great and famous Academiesof theirown. 
The chief Cities where the Nation liveth, are Lublin and Cracow, 
where there is a lew, called Ifaac lecells, who built a Synagogue, 
which flood him in one hundred thoufand Francs, and is worth ma- 
ny tonsof gold. There is in this placefuch infinite numberof lews; 
that although the Cofaques in the late warres have killed of them 
above one hundred and fourefcore thoufand ; yet it is fuflained that 
they are yet at this day as innumerable as thofe were that came out 
of Egypt. In that Kingdome the whole Negotiation is in the hand 
of the lews, the refl of the Chriftians are either all Noble-men, or 
Ruftiques and kept as flaves. 

In Italy they aregenerally protected by all the Princes: their prin- 
cipall refidence is in the mofl famous City of Venice ; fo that in that 
fame City alone they poffeffe about 1400 Houfes; and are ufed 
there with much courtefy and clemency. Many alfo live in Padoa 
and Verona ; others in Mantua, and alfo many in Rome it felf. Fi- 
nally they are fcattered here and there in the chief places of Italy, and 
do live there with many fpeciall priviledges. 

In the Government of the great Duke of Tufcany, they are by 
that Prince moft gracioufly & bountifully dealt with, having power 
from him graunted, to have their Judicatory by themfelves, and 
to judge in all matters, both Civill and Criminall ; befides many 
other Priviledges, whereof I my felf have the Copies in hand. The 
rich and illuflrious families that flourifhed in thefe Countries are 
many, viz. The Thoraces, who being three Brethren, fhared betwixt 
them above7oo thoufand Crpwns. In Ferrarawere theViles,whofe 
flock was above 200 thmjfand Crowns. The Lord Jofeph de Fano, 
Marquis de Villepefldf; was a man much refpe6led of all the Prin- 
ces in Italy, and was called by them. The Peace-maker and ap- 
peafer of all troubles ; becaufe he, by his authority and entremife, 
was ufed to appeafe all troubles and flrife rifmg amongfl them. 



Don Daniel Rodrigues, becaufe of his prudency and other good 
qualities, was fent in the year 1589 from the mofl Excellent Senat 
of Venice into Dalmatia, to appeafe thofe tumults and fcandals 
given by the Vfquoquibs in Cliffa : which he moft manly effefted, 
and caufed all the women and children, that were kept|cloofe pri- 
foners, to be fet at liberty, brought alfo to an happy iffue many 
other things of great moment, for which he was fent. Alphonfo 1 1, 
the Duke of Ferrara, fent alfo for his Ambaffador to the Imperiall 
Majefly, one Abraham de Bondi, to pay and difcharge Invefli- 
ture of the States of Modena and Reggio. The Prince of Safol and 
the Marquis of Scandia likewife, had to their Fa6lors men of our 

In the Kingdome of Barbary, their lives alfo a great number of 
lews, who-ever cruelly and bafely ufed by that Barbarous Nation, 
except at Marrocco, the Court and Kings houfe, where they have 
their Naguid or Prince that governs them, and is their fudge, 
and is called at this day, Seignor Mofeh Palache: and before him 
was in the fame Court, that Noble family Ruthes, that had power 
and lurifdiftion of all kinde of punifhment, onely life and death 

- In the Low-Countries alfo, the lews are received with great Cha- 
rity and Benevolency, and efpecially in this moft renowned City 
of Amfterdam, where there are no leffe then 400 Families ; and 
how great a trading and Negotiation they draw to that City, ex- 
perience doth fufficiently witnefs. They have there no leffe then 
three hundred houfes of their own, enjoy a good part of the Wefl 
andEafl-IndianCompagnies; and befides have yet tofetforth their 
Trafiq fuch a ftock. that for fetting a fide, onely one duit of every 
pound Flemifh for all kind of commodities that enter, and again as 
much for all what goes out of this town, and what befides we pay 
yearly of the rents we get from the Eaft-Indian Compagnie to the 
reliefe and fuftenance of the poore of our Synagogue, that very 
money amounts ordinarily every year, unto the fumme very neare 
of 1 2000 Franks; whereby you may eafely conceive what a migh- 

ty flock it is they trade with, and what a profit they needs muft 
bring into this City. 

In Hambourg likewife, a moft famous City of Holface in Ger- 
many, there lives alfo a hundred families, protedled by the Magi- 
flrat, though molefled by the people. There refides Sir DuarteNu- 
nes d'Acofla, Refident for his Majefty the King of Portugal : Ga- 
briel Gomes, Agentfor his Majefty the Kingof Danemarck.- David 
de Lima,aIeweller,forthefamehisMajefty; and Emanuel Boccaro 
Rofales, created by the Emperour a Noble-man and a Count Pala- 

In all thefe places the lews live (in a manner) all of them Mer- 
chants, and that without any prejudice at all to the Natives: For the 
Natives, and thofe efpecially that are moft rich, they build them- 
felves houfes and Palaces, buy Lands and firme goods, aime at 
Titles and Dignities, and fo feek their reft and contentment that 
way : But as for the lews, they afpire at nothing, but to preferre 
themfelves in their way of Marchandize; and fo employing their 
Capitals, they fend forth the benefit of their labour amongft many 
and fundry of the Natives, which they, by the trafick of their Ne- 
gotiation, do enrich. From whence it's eafy to judge of the profit 
that Princes and Common-wealths do reap, by giving liberty of 
Religion to the lews, and gathering them by fome fpeciall privi- 
ledges into their Countries: as Trees that bring forth fuch excellent 

So that if one Prince, ill advifed, driveth them out of his Land, 

yet another invites them to his; & fhews them favour: Wherein we 

may fee the prophecy of lacob fulfilled in the letter : Thejlaffe {to 

fupport him) Jhall not depart from Jacob, untill Meffias Jhall come. 

And this fhall fufifice concerning the Profit of the lewifh Nation. 

B How 



How Faithfull 
The Nation of the lewes are. 

f^^SHe Fidelity of Vaffals and Subje6ls, is a thing that Princes 
|moft efteem off: for there-on, both in Peace and Warre, 
I depends the prefervation of their eftates. And as for this 
point, in my opinion, they owe much to the Nation of the 
lews, by reafon of the faithfulneffe and loyalty they fhow to all Po- 
tentates that receive and protefl them in their Countries. For fet- 
ting afide the Hiftories of the Ptolomies, Kings of Egypt, who did 
not trufl the Guard of their perfons, nor the keeping of their Forts, 
nor the mofh important affairs of their Kingdome to any other Na- 
tion with greater fatisfa6lion then to the lews; the Wounds of An- 
tipaterfhewed to luliusCaefar in token of his loyalty, and the brafen 
Tables of our Anceftours amongft the Romans, are evident wit- 
neffes enough of their fidelity fhewed unto them. 

In Spaine the lewsof Burgos; as the Chronicles do declare, moft 
generoufly fhewed the very fame fidelity in the times of Don Hen- 
rique; who having killed his Brother, the King, Don Pedro de 
Cruel, made himfelf Lord of all his Kingdomes, and brought un- 
der his obedience all the Grandees and people of Spaine: Only the 
lews of Burgos denyed to obey him, and fortified themfelves with- 
in the City, faying, That God would never have it, that theyjhould 
deny obedience to theirNaturallLordDonPedrofirto his rightfullfuc- 
cejfours. A confhancy that the prudent King, Don Henriques, very 
much efteemed of, faying, that fuch Vaffals as thofe were, by Kings 
and great men, worthy of much account, feeing they held greater 
refpe6l to the fidelity they ought to their King, although conquered 
anddead, thantothe prefent fortune of the Conquerour: And a while 
3.{t&r,r:tc&WmgveYy honourable conditions,tkey gavethemfelves over. 
InSpainalfo(as5'oumayfeein Mariana) many lewes forthefame 
fidelity were appointed Governours of the Kingdome, and Tu- 

1 1 
tors of Noble-mens children, jointly to others of the Nobility up- 
on the death of their Parents. 

The Chronicles of the Xarifes, dedicated to King Philip the fe- 
cond, King of Spaine, alleagues for an example of great fidelity and 
vertue, how the rifing of the Xarifes againft the Morines, their kil- 
ling and fpoyling them of the Kingdome, was fuch a great grief un- 
to Samuel Alvalenfi, one of thofe banifhed out of Spaine, and much 
favoured by the King of Fez, defcended from the houfe of the Mo- 
rines; that joyninghimfelf with other Magiftrates,andfubje6i;sof the 
Morines, arming fome fhips and going himfelf Captain over all, he 
came fuddenly with 400. men, and fell by night upon the Army of 
the Xarifes, that were more then 3000. men, befieging Copta, and 
without lofmg one man, killed of them above 500. and caufed 
them to raife the (lege. 

Many the like Examples may be brought of times paft; but for 
our prefent; and modern times there is noExemple fo evident, as in 
the befieging of Mantua for the Emperour in the year 1 630, where 
the lews fought moft valiantly, and refcued it from the Natives. As 
likewife in the Seignory of Brafil, where the fame thing was done: 
for oneof the fame Nation, a Dutchman, having delivered the Cape 
unto the Portugals, there was found in our Nation there not only 
loyalty, but alfo fuch difcretion, that had they taken their advife,the 
bufinefs had not fo proceeded. 

This may be feen more clearly yet in their being banifhed out of 
Caflile, in the dayesof Ferdinand & Ifabella. Their number at that 
time was fuppofed to have been half a Milion of men, amongfl 
whom were many of great valour, & courage (as Don Ifaac Abar- 
banel, a Counfellor of State, doth relate) & yet amongft fo great a 
number, there was not found any one man, that undertook to raife 
a party to free themfelvesfrom that moft miferable banifhment. An 
evident fign of the proper and naturall refolution of this Nation, 
and their conflant obedience to their Princes. 

The fame affe(5lion is confirmed by the inviolable cuflome of 
all the lews wherefoever they live : for on every Sabbath or fefli- 

B 2 vail 



( vail Day, they every where are ufed to pray for the fafety of all 

1 Kings, Princes and Common-wealths, under whofe jurifdidlion 

[they live, of what profeffion-foever : unto which duty they are 

bound by the Prophets and the Talmudifts ; from the Law, as by 

leremie chap. 29. verf. 7. Seek the peace of the City unto which I have 

made you to wander : and pray for her unto the Lord, for in her Peace 

youfhall enjoy peace. H e fpeaks of Babylon, where the I ews at that 

time were captives. From the Talmud ord. 4. traft. 4. Abodazara 

pereq. i . Pray for the peace of the Kingdome,for unleffe there were 

feare of the Kingdome, men would fwallow one the other alive, &c. 

From the continuall and never broken Cuftome of the lews 
wherefoever they are, on the Sabbath-Day, or other folemn Feafts; 
at which time all the lews from all places come together to the Sy- 
nagogue, after the benedi6lion of the Holy Law, before the Mini- 
fler of the Synagogue bleffeth the people of the lews; with aloud 
voice he bleffeth the Prince of the Country under whom they live, 
that all the lews may hear it, and fay, Amen. The words he ufeth 
are thefe, as in the printed book of the lews may be feen : He that 
givethfalvation unto Kings, and dominionunto Lords, he that delive- 
red his fervant David from thefwordoftheEnemy, he that made a way 
refcue, exalt and magnify, and lift up higher and higher, our Lord. 
[And then he names, the Pope, the Emperour, King, Duke, or any 
other Prince under whom the lews live, and add's : ] The King of 
kings defend him in his mercy, making him joy full, &free him from all 
dangers anddiflreffe. The Kingof kings, f or hisgoodnefsfake, raifeup 
and exalt his planetary fiar, & multiply hisdayesover his Kingdome. 
The King of kings forhismercies fake, put into his heart, andinto the 
heart of his Counfellers, (^thofethatattendandadminifiertohim, that 
he may fiew mercy unto us, & unto allthe people oflfrael. Inhisdayes 
and in our dayes, letludah befafe, andlfrael dwell fecurely, and let the 
Redeemer come to \frael, andfo mayitpleafeGod. A men. Thefeare the 
very formalities fet down word for word, which the lewes, by the 
command of God, received from the Talmud, do ufe in their pra- 

yers for Princes, under whofe government they refide. And there- 
fore wife Princes are wont to banifh from their Courts falfe re- 
ports. And moft wife i?. Simon Ben-lochai, inhis excellent book cal- 
ledZoarin Sarafa Pecudi, relates, thatzVwa Traditionreceivedfrom 
Heaven, that the Kings of the Nations of the world. Princes, Gover- 
nours, that protect the lews in thisworld, ordothem any good, that the 
fame fhall enjoy certain degrees of glory, or eternall reward; as on the 
other fide, they that do to the Nation of the lews any harm, that they 
fhallbe punifhedwith fame particular eternal punifhment. As ap- 
peareth alfo out of Efa. the laft chapter. 

Thus you fee the Fidelity of the lews to wards their Gover- 
nours clearly proved. Now, that no man may think that their ba- 
nifhment out of Spaign & Portugal, proceeded from any fufpition 
or faults of theirs, I fhall clearly rehearfe the reafon of fo fudden a 
determination, and what the thoughts of many Chriftian Princes 
have been there-upon. The bufmefs was thus : Ferdinand and Ifa- 
bella, Governours of Caflile, having gained the Kingdome of Gra- 
nada, of which they took poffeffion on the fifth of lanuary, they re- 
folved to thruft out all the lews that lived in their Kingdomes, and 
fo on the laft of March, they made an Edi6l in the fariie City, in 
which they expreffed : That feeing the lews in their Countries drew 
manyChriflians to turn lews, and efpeciallyfome Noble-men of their 
Kingdome of Andaluzia,that for this caufetheybanifhedthemunder 
mofi heavy penalties, &c. So that the caufe of their banifhment was 
not any difloyalty at all. 

Now what amongft many others in all Chriflendom, one famous 
Lawyer in Rome, and Oforius an excellent and moft eloquent Hi- 
florian have thought, I fhall here relate. I n the year 1 49 2 ('faith the 
Lawyer^ Ferdinand, called the Catholick, being King of Spain, 
drove out of his Country all the lews that were living there from 
the time of the Babylonian and Roman Captivity, and were very 
rich in houfes and goods : and that upon pain, if they went not a- 
way within the term of fix moneths, that all their houfes and 
goods fliould be confifcated unto the Exchequer, which as 

B 3 we 



we have faid, were very great. Whereupon they leaving the King- 
dome of Caftile, they went over many of them into Portugal, as be- 
ing the neareft place. Inthe year 1497, there being an Alliance con- 
tradled between the Kings of Caftile and Portugal; the Jews at the 
requeft of the faid King Ferdinand, were banifhed out of Portugal; 
but it being againft the will of Emanuel, King of Portugal, to have 
them banifhed out of his Country, he refolved to oblidge them to 
become Chriftians, promifing never to moleft them, neither in 
Criminall matters, nor in the loffe of their goods; and exempted 
them from many burdens, and Tributs of the Kingdome. This E- 
manuel being dead, John III, fucceeded in his place in the King- 
dome of Portugal, who beingexcitedby others, faid, That what his 
Father Emanuel had done, concerning the not-troubling them, was 
of no valew, becaufe they lived not as was convenient, & that with- 
out the authority of the Pope of Rome, his father could not graunt 
any fuch thing : for which caufe he would that for thofe that lived 
amiffe, they ftiould be proceeded againft, as againft the Mores in 
Caftile: And fending to Rome to difanull the faid promifes, it was 
not onely not graunted to him, but moreover they reprooved his 
appearance there, and praifed and approoved the promifes made 
by his Father Emanuel to the Jewes,publiftiingagenerall pardon to 
all that were taken, which were about 1 500, and they all were fet 
free. Which Bull was graunted by Clement VII. by the interven- 
tion of all the Confiftory of Cardinals. Afterwards the faid king 
John fent once again to defire the former Licence with fo many re- 
plications and triplications, that at length the Pope granted it: But 
a few dales after it was revoked again with a generall Pardon to all 
that were taken, which were 12000, with fuch a determination, 
that thefame Licence fhould never be graunted, as being againft all 
right and reafon. This troubled Don John the King very much, 
and withall the Cardinal his brother, who came in thefe laft dayes 
to be King of Portugal himfelf. Great Paul III, of the houfe of 
Farnefia, fucceeding to Clement the VII. there was a requeft ren- 
dred to the Pope for power to bring in the Inquifition into this 


Kingdome. The Pope would not graunt it, faying : He could not, 
and that it was a thing againft reafon and luflice, but on the con- 
trary confirmed the promifes made by the King Don Emanuel, his 
Father ; and pardoned all the delinquents fmce the time of vio- 
lence unto that day. Don lohn feeing this, fent an Embaffadour 
meerly for that bufineffe to the Pope, but could obtain nothing at 
all : for which caufe King lohn refolved to entreat the Emperour 
Charles the V. then paffmg for Rome, as Conquerour over the 
Turks, having wonn Tunis and Goleta, that in this his Triumph 
he would take occafion to defire this favour from the Pope, that 
the King of Portugal might fet up the Inquifition in his Kingdome, 
it being an old cuftome that thofe that triumphed, fhould aske 
fomethingof the Pope that they moft defired. The Emperour than 
having defired this, the Pope anfwered him, that he could not do 
it by reafon of the agreement made, and the promifes of the King 
Don Emanuel ; which he had found by an Apoftolicall Nuntio in 
Portugal in the year 1497, at which time the lewes were forced 
and compelled to become Chriftians. The Emperour replyed. Let 
that finne fall on him, and the Prince his fonne, the Apoftolicall 
feat fhall be free from it. So the Pope graunted it ; becaufe the Em- 
perour Charles the V. was brother in law to King Don lohn of 
Portugal; andbefides they treated atthat time to enterfurther inaf- 
finity, and to marry their children, which fince was effefted. After 
Paul the III. graunted this, there was a new Pardon given in gene- 
rail to all that were taken unto that time, amounting the Number 
unto 1800. But the King refufing to obey the Pardon, and to 
free the Prifonners, the Pope tooke it very ill, and fent for this 
onely bufineffe for his Nuntio, one Monfegnor Monte Palici- 
ano, who fince was Cardinal of the Church of Rome. And 
the King for all this not obeying, the Pope made the Nuntio to 
fix the Pardon upon the doores of the Cathedrall Churches, 
and the Nuntio caufed the Prifons to be opened, and there were 
fet free about 1800 prifoners. He that follicited this bufineffe 
at Rome was one Seignor Duarte de Paz, a Cavallier of the Order 



of St, lohn: whom to fearch out there were appointed at Rome ten 
men difguifed ; thefe having found him, gave him fifteen wounds, 
and left him for dead : thus wounded, he was carried to the houfe 
of Seignor PhiHp Eftrozi : This being reported to the Pope, 
Paul the III. he caufed him to be carried to the Caftle of S. Ange- 
lo, where he gave order to have him nobly cured. That fame Sei- 
gnor was by the Pope, by all the Cardinals and the whole Court in 
great refpe6l. At the fame time that this man was hurt, the Empe- 
rour Charles the V. was at Rome with his Army, On the time 
when he began to treat of this bufineffe with Clement the VII, fee- 
ing the Kings importunity, he made a Bull and gave licence to all 
the Portugals of that Nation of the lews; that they might go and 
live in the Church- Dominions, & whofoever will come in the faid 
Dominions, that he fhall have freedom to live, as at the firft, in his 
lewifh profeffion, and that at no time they fhould be enquired into, 
but after the fame manner as they were wont to live in Portugal, fo 
they fhould live there. The faid Bull paffed all the Confiflory ; and 
being confirmed and received by the faid Portugals, they began 
fome of them to depart to live in Ancona, being a fea-port more 
commodious then others: which being known by the King and 
Cardinal of Portugal, they caufed to be proclaimed in all the King- 
dome, that upon paine of death, and loffe of all their goods, no 
man fhould dare depart the Kingdome. Clement being dead, in his 
place fucceeded (as we havejaid) Pope Paul the III. who confir- 
med the fame Privil edges: Afterwards in the year 1550. Paul the 
III. died, and Julius the III. fucceeded, who ratified the fore-men- 
tioned Priviledges given by his Predeceffours,and the whole Apo- 
flolikeSeatinviolably. Inthofetimes therewere many Dodlors that 
wrote on this matter, amongft whom the chiefefl were Alciat, and 
the Cardinal Parifius in 2&2iP^^^^ ConJiliorumproChriftianis no- 
viter converjis; fhewing by reafon and law, that confidering they 
were forced and not converted willingly, that they had not fallen 
nor do fall under any Cenfure. Thefe reafons being confidered of 
by the Princes of Italy, they graunted likewife thefame Priviledges: 


viz. Cofmo the Great, Duke of Florence, and Hercules, Duke of 
Ferrare,and within few years Emanuel Felibert, Duke of Savoye; 
and were by all his fucceffours confirmed. In the year 1492, when 
they were baniflied from Caftile, we read in the Chronicles of that 
Kingdome, that the Lords of that place did complain that their Ci- 
ties and Towns were deftroyed and dis-inhabitated ; and had they 
believed any fuch thing, that they would have oppofed the Kings 
decree, and would never have given their confent to it. That 
was the caufe, that Don Emanuel of Portugal, feeing on the one 
fide apparent dammage, fhould he let them depart his King- 
dome ; and on the otherfide, not being able to break his pro- 
mife made to the King of Caftile, he caufed them to be com- 
pelled to the Faith, upon paine of Death, that they fhould not 
depart out of his Dominions. The Catholiq King was blamed 
of all Chriftian Princes, and efpecially by the Senate of Ve- 
nice, (as Marcus Antonius Sabellicus doth write) for having bani- 
flied a Nation fo profitable to the Publicq and Particular good, 
without any kind of pretence. And fo the Parliament of Paris like- 
wife did extreamly wonder at fuch a determination. And truely 
good reafon there was to wonder; for we fee fince, what the Senat 
of Venice hath done, who never deliberats or puts into execution 
any thing, without great judgement >^aving the advantage of all 
Republicqs in their Government and leaving behind them 
the Romans, Carthagenians, Athenians, and moft learned La- 
cedemonians, and that Parliament of Paris, which in the Go- 
vernment of affaires was alwayes moft prudent. Moft of thofe 
that were baniflied paffed to the Levant, who were embraced by 
the Ottoman-family! all the fucceeding Kings wondring at it, that 
the Spanjards, who make profeffion to be a politiq Nation, fhould 
drive out of their kingdomes fuch a people.X. Moreover Sultan 
Bajazet, and Sultan Soliman, received them exceeding well, the 
coming of the lews to them being very acceptable: and fo did like- 
wife all their fucceffours, confidering of how great a profit and be- 
nefit their refiding in their Dominions was. /And in the year 1555. 

C Paul 



Paul the IV. being chofen Pope of Rome, who before was called 
Cardinal de Chiefi, an intimate to the Cardinal of Portugal, cau- 
fed the lewes to be held in Ancona, & other places of the Church, 
according to the Priviledges graunted to them by the Popes, his 
Predeceffours in the name of the Apoftolical Roman feat. Licur- 
gus, Solon and Draco, and all Founders of Commonwealths, gave 
counfell that ftfangers ought to be loved and much made of, as in 
the Difcourfes of Se. in 7 deLegibusdeRep. is amply to be feen. And 
by the Divine Law (as Mofes commanded us) we ought not to 
trouble a flranger, but he fayes. Remember you werejlrangers in the 
Land of Egypt. 

In fumme, to the fame purpofe might be brought many other 
and more powerfull reafons, but becaufe they are out of our confi- 
deration, we paffe them over. And here to declare fome particu- 
lars, worthy to be known for advife and example, that befell our 
Nation in thofe bitter banifhments; part whereof Hieronymus O- 
forius recites more at large, in the firfl of his elegant two Books de 
Rebus Emanuelis. The firfl title he giveth to thofe miferable fuc- 
ceffes, is this, which he puts for a Poflil in the margent of his booke, 
ludcBorum L iberipervim. adChristianifmumpertraSii: and than re- 
hearfes, how that in the year 1496 the King decreed, that all the 
lewes and Mores, that dwelt in his Kingdome, and would not be- 
come Chriftians, fhould depart his Dominions in a fhort time ; 
which being pafl, all that fhould be found in his Kingdome, fhould 
loofe their liberty, and become flaves to the King. The time being 
now at hand (as Oforius proceeds) in which the lewes, that would 
not turne Chriftians, were to depart the Kingdome, and all of them 
as many as they were, had with all their power provided, and taken 
a firme refolution to be gone: which the King feeing, and not able 
to endure it, thought upon a bufineffe (as he iaxxki) fa£lo quidem i- 
niquam & injujiam, which to do was really wicked and unjuft, and 
that was to command that all the children of the Ifraelites, that 
were not above 14 years old, fhould be taken out of the power of 
their own Parents ; & when they had them, they fhould force them 



to become Chriftians; a new thing that could not be done without 
a wonderfull alteration of their minds : for it was (as Oforius fpeaks) 
a horrid and miferable fpeftacle, to fee the tender Infants wreftled 
out of the arms and brefts of their lamenting mothers, to dragge a- 
long their poore fathers that held them faft, and to give them 
many wounds and blows to draw them out of their handes ; to hear 
their cryes that afcend to heaven, their groanes, lamentations, and 
complaints every-where, fo that this cruelty was the caufe, that 
many of thofe diftreffed Fathers threw their children into wells, 
and others killed themfelves with their own hands, that they might 
notfee fo bitter a thing with their eyes. Thecruelty of Emanuel en- 
ded not here, but going on with compulfion and revilings, gave 
caufe to his owne Chronographer to make the fecond title or po- 
flil, with thefe words ; Vis& Dolus\udcBisillata : That is, The force 
and deceit ufed towards the I ewes. And fo he goes on, declaring 
how he had promifed in the condition they had made, that he 
would affigne them three Ports in his Kingdome to embarque at, 
viz. Lisbon, Setuval, and Puerto : and nevertheleffe he forbad them 
afterwards to embarque themfelves in any place but Lisbon : for 
which caufe all the I ewes of the Kingdome came to that City, from 
whence befides a thoufand moleftations and extortions, he drove 
them (as Vafquo faith) as fheep in the ftalls, and there forced 
their afBifted bodies to counterfeit, that which their foules and 
thoughts never meant nor approoved of Works, of which his 
own Chronologer faith, Fuit hoc quidem neque ex Lege, neque ex 
religionefaSlum. That is. This was done neither according to Law, 
nor Religion. Let men of clear mind, and free from paffion con- 
fider for Gods fake, if fuch violences can work any good impref- 
fion or chara6ler in men : or what Law, either Humain or Divine, 
National or Modern, can bear, that the fouls of men f'which the 
Moft High hath created free^ be forced to believe what they be- 
lieve not, and to love what they hate ? This cruelty was reproved 
and cenfure of many Princes of the world and learned men. And 
his own Chronologer reprehends it with a new poftil, and fpeaks 

C 2 freely ; 



freely ; Regis in Xudceos facinorum reprehenjio. That is, A cenfure 
of the Kings wickedneffe againft the lews. Truely with juft reafon 
doth Oforius call the works, which the King did unto us, Iniqui- 
ties andinjujlices, deceitfull violences, and wicked attempts : and fo 
goes on, reproving them with moft elegant Reafons, 

Further what happened to the lews under other Princes in other 
Kingdomes and Countries, is notorious and enough known to 
all the world, and therefore not neceffary here to relate. So farre 
concerning their Bannifhment. 

Now, I will not conceale to fay, but that alwayes there 
have bene found fome calumniators, that endeavouring to 
make the Nation infamous, laid upon them tAree mojl falfe re- 
ports, as \{they were dangerous to the Goods, the Lives, and withall 
to the very Souls of the Natives. They urge againfl them their ufu- 
ries, ^& flaying of infants to celebrate their Paffe-over, and the 
inducing Chriflians to become lews. To all which I ftiall anfwer 

I. As for ufury, fuch dealing is not the effential property of the 
lews, for though in Germany there be fome indeed that praflife 
ufury; yet the moft part of them that live in Turky, Italy, Holland 
and Hamburg, being come out of Spaigne, they hold it infamous 
to ufe it ; and fo with a very fmall profit of 4. or 5, per Cent, as Chri- 
ftians themfelves do, they put their money ordinarily in Banco : 
for to lay out their money without any profit, was commanded on- 
ly toward their brethren of the fame N ation of the I ews ; but not to 
any other Nation. And however by this Charity is not hurt : for 
it flands in good reafon, that every on fhould gain and get fome 
advantage with his money, to fuftaine his own life : and when any 
one to fupply his own wants, doth take fome courfe of Marchan- 
dife, by which he hopes to gaine by other mens moneys taken up 
on trufl, 'tis no inhumanity to reckon and take from him 
ufe : For as no man is bound to give his goods to an other; fo is 
he not bound to let it out, but for his own occafions and profit, 
and not to leave himfelf deftitute of the profit he could make 




of the monyes. Onely this rnuft be done with moderation, that the 
ufury be not biting and exorbitant, which theChriftians themfelves 
ufe, amongft themfelves; as even in the Mounts of Piety at Padua, 
Vicenza and Verona is to be feen, where they take 6 par Cent, and 
elfewhere yet much more. This in no manner can be called Robbe- 
ry, but is with confent and will of the Contra6ler; and the fame Sa- 
cred Scripture, which allows ufury with him that is not of the fame 
Religion, forbids abfolutely the robbing of all men, whatfoever 
Religion they be of. In our Law it is a greater fmne to rob or de- 
fraud a ftranger, than if I did it to one of my own profeffion : be- 
caufe a Jew is bound to fhew his charity to all men: for he hath a 
precept, not to abhorre an Idumean, nor an Egyptian; and that he 
fhall loveandprote6laftranger that comes to live in his land. If not- 
withftanding there be fome that do contrary to this, they do it not 
as lewes limply, but as wicked lewes, as amongft all nations there 
are found generally fome Ufurers. 

2. Asior killingofiheyoungckildrenofChri^ians;i\.isa.mniaX[ih\Q 
truth what is reported of the Negros of Guinea and Brazil, that if 
theyfee anymiferable man that hath efcapedfrom the dangerof the 
fea, or hath fallen or fuffered any kind of ill-fortune, or Shipwrake, 
theyperfecute and vex himfo much the more, faying, Godcurfethee. 
And wee that live not amongft the Blacke-moors and wild-men,^ 
but amongft the white and civilized people of the world, yet wee 
find this an ordinary courfe, that men are very prone to hate and 
defpife him that hath ill fortune; and on the other fide, to make 
much of thofe whom fortune doth favour. Hereof the Chriftians 
themfelves have good experience ; for during the timesof their fup- 
preffion and perfecution under the Roman Empire, they were falfe- 
ly flandred of divers Emperours and tyrannicall Princes. Nero 
accufed them, that they had fet Rome on fire ; Others, that 
they were Witches and Conjurers ; and others againe that 
they flew their children to celebrate their Ceremonies, as wee 
find in divers Authors. Even fo likewife it is with the Jewifti 
Nation, that now is difperfed and afflidled, though they have 

C 3 mo- 



moneys : There is no flander nor calumny that is not call upon 
them, even the very fame ancient fcandall that was call of old upon 
the innocent Chriftians, is now laid upon the Jews. Whereas the 
whole world may eafely perceive, it is but a meer flander, feeing 
it is known that at this day, out of Jerufalem, no facrifice nor blood 
is in any ufe by them, even that blood which is found in an Egg is 
forbidden them, how much more mans blood ? Moreover I could 
produce divers memorable examples which out in our own times 
in Araguza to a Jew : how he was accufed of this fame wickednefs, 
and not confeffing it, how they imprifoned him betwixt to walls, 
and being in that dillreffe, how he cited before God all the Judges, 
to anfwer there for what they did ; and how within a year after, 
many of the ludges died.and thofe that lived, fearing the like might 
befall them, and loofe their lives, fet him free : But I mufl not be too 
prolix ; it may fuffice to fay, that by the Pope himfelf it was defined 
in full Counfell the accufation to be falfe; and fo likewife judged 
all the Princes of Italy; as alfo Alphonfo the Wife, King of Spain, 
and that it was onely a meer invention to drink the blood, and to 
fwallow up the goods of the harmleffe lews. 

3. As for the third Point, I fay, that although Ferdinand & I fa- 
bell, giving colour to fo indifcreet a determination, faid, that they 
induced the Nobles to become lews, yet truely this cannot be faid, 
but by fome falfe informations. For if fo be, amongft thofe diffi- 
culties and impoffibilities, it may happen, that fome of the Se6l of 
the Papifts, of a better mind, embrace the lewifh Religion; it can- 
not therefore be prefumed, that they were induced thereunto by 
the lews ; feeing the lews do not entice any man to profeffe their 
Law : But if any man of his own free-will come to them, they by 
their rites & Ceremonies are obliged to make proof of them, whe- 
ther they come for any temporall intereft, and to perfuade them to 
look well to themfelves what they do : that the Law unto which 
they are to fubmit themfelves, is of many precepts ; and doth ob- 
lige the tranfgreffor to many fore punilhments. And fo we follow 
the example of Nahomi, cited in the Sacred Scripture, who did 



not perfuade Ruth to go along with her; but faid firft to her: Orpa 
thyjyierreturnedto her Nation and her Gods ; go thou and follow her. 
But Ruth continuing conftant, then at length {he received her. 

Befides this, the lews indeed have reafon to take care for their 
own prefervation ; and therefore will not go about by fuch wayes 
to make themfelves odious to Princes and Common-wealths, un- 
der whofe Dominions they live. 

Now, becaufe I beleive, that with a good confcience I have dif- 
charged our Nation of the lews of thofe three flanders or calum- 
nies, as elfewhere I have more at large written about it; I conceive 
I may from thofe two qualities, of Profitableneffe and Fidelity con- 
clude, that fuch a Nation ought to be well entertained, and alfo be- 
loved and protected generally of all. The more, confidering they 
are called in the Sacred Scriptures, the Sons of God; and 'tis faid 
by all the Prophets, that they who fhall wrong them, fhall be mofl 
feverely punifhed ; and that he that toucheth them, toucheth the 
apple of Gods eye. And at leaf!;, it was alwayes the opinion of Au- 
guftine, as he made it appear in his works Libr. de DoSlrina Chri- 
Jiianacap. 28. where he faith. Quod omnes homines ceque diligendi 
funt. That all men are equally to be beloved. 

Now,having proved the two former Points. I could adde a third, 
viz. of the Nobility of the lews : but becaufe that Point is enough 
known amongfl all Chriflians, as lately yet it hath been moft 
worthily and excellently fhewed and defcribed in a certain Book, 
called, The Glory of lehudah andlfrael,dedica.ted to our Nation by 
that worthy Chriftian Minifter Mr. Henry lejjey, f'1653. in Duch) 
where this matter is fet out at large : And by Mr. Edw. Nicholas 
Genleman, in his Book, called. An Apologiefor the Honorable Na- 
tion of the lews, and all theSonsof Ifraeli^ 1 648. in Englifh.) There- 
fore I will here forbeare, and reft on their faying of our King Salo- 
mon, the wifeft on earth. Let another mans mouth praife thee, and 
not thine own. Which is the clofe of Rabbi Meneffe Ben-lfrael, 
a Divine, and Dodlor in Phylick, in the Strand over againfl the 
New-Exchange in London. 


V I N D I C I tE 


O R A 


In Anfwer to certain Queftions propounded by 

a Noble and Learned Gentleman, touching 

the reproaches caft on the Nation of the 

Jewes; wherein all objections are 

candidly, and yet fully cleared. 

'By Rabbi Menafleh Ben Ifrael a Divine 
and a ^hyjicyan. 

Printed by !?^. Z). in the year 1656. 



Moji Nolle, and Learned Sir, 

Have received a letter from your worfhipj which 
was welcome to me ; and I read it, becaufe yours, 
with great delight ; if you will pleafe to allow for 
the unpleafantnefle of the fubjeft. For I do af- 
fure your worfhip, I never met with any thing in 
my life which I did more deeply refent, for that it 
reflefteth upon the credit of a nation, which amongft fo many 
calumnies, fo manifeft, (and therefore fhamefull) I dare to pro- 
nounce innocent. Yet I am afraid, that whilft I anfwer to them, 
I (hall offend fome, whofe zeal will not permit them to confider, 
that felf vindication, as defenfive armes, is naturall to all ; but to 
be wholly filent, were to acknowledge what is fo falfly objefted. 
Wherefore that I may juftifie my felf to my own confcience, I 
have obeyed your worfhips commands : for your requeft muft 
not be accounted leffe, at leafl: by me. I prefume your worfhip 
cannot expeft either prolix, or polite difcourfes upon fo fad a 
fubjeft ; for who can be ambitious in his own calamity ? I have 
therefore difpatcht onely fome concife, and brief relations, bare- 
ly exceeding the bounds of a letter; yet fuch as may fuffice you, 
to inform the Rulers of the English nation, of a truth mofl: reall, 
and fincere ; which I hope they will accept in good part, according 
to their noble, and Angular prudence and piety. For innocencie 
being alwayes mofl: free from fufpefting evil, I cannot be per- 
fwaded, that any one hath either fpoken, or written againfl; us, 
out of any particular hatred that they bare us, but that they ra- 
ther fuppofed our coming might prove prejudiciall to their e- 
fliates, and intereftsj charity alwayes beginning at home. Yet 
notwithfl:anding I propounded this matter under an argument of 
profit (for this hath made us welcome in other countries) and 

A a there- 


therefore I hope I may prove what I undertake. However, I have 
but fmall encouragement to expedi: the happy attainment of any 
other defign, but onely that truth may be juftified of her 
children. I fhall anfwer in order to what your worfliip hath pro- 


ANd in the firft place, I cannot but weep bitterly, and with 
much anguifh of foul lament that ftrange and horrid ac- 
cufation of fome Chriftians againft the difperfed, and affli- 
&ed lewes that dwell among them, when they fay (what I tremble 
to write) that the lewes are wont to celebrate the feaft of unlea- 
vened bread, fermenting it with the bloud of fome Chriftians, 
whom they have for this purpofe killed : when the calumniators 
themfelves have moft barbaroufly and cruelly butchered fome 
of them. Or to fpeak more mildly, have found one dead, 
and caft the corps, as if it had been murdered by the lewes, into 
their houfes or yards, as lamentable experience hath proved in 
fundry places: and then with unbridled rage and tumult, they ac- 
cufe the innocent lews, as the committers of this mofl: execrable 
fa6l. Which deteftable wickedneife hath been fometimes perpe- 
trated, that they might thereby take advantage to exercife their 
cruelty upon them ; and fometimes to juftifie, and patronize their 
maflacres already executed. But how farre this accufation is 
from any femblable appearance of truth, your worfliip may judge 
by thefe following arguments. 

I. It is utterly forbid the lewes to eat any manner of bloud 
whatfoever, Levit. Chapter 7. 2,6. and Deuter. la. where it is ex- 
prefly faid DT b'2^, Avd ye shall eat no manner of bloud, and in obe- 
dience to this command the lewes eat not the bloud of any ani- 
mal. And more then this, if they find one drop of bloud in an 
egge, they caft it away as prohibited. And if in eating a piece of 
bread, it happens to touch any bloud drawn from the teeth, or 
gummes, it muft be pared, and cleanfed from the faid bloud, as 
it evidenely appeares in Sulhan Haruck and our rituall book. 
Since then it is thus, how can it enter into any mans heart to be- 

lieve that they fhould eat humane bloud, which is yet more de- 
teftable, there being fcarce any nation now remaining upon 
earth fo barbarous, as to commit fuch wickednefle ? 

a. The precept in the Decalogue Thou shalt not kill is of gene- 
rail extent ; it is a morall command. So that the lewes are bound 
not onely, not to kill one of thofe nations where they live, but 
they are alfo oblig'd by the law of gratitude, to love them. They 
are the very words of R. Mofes of Egypt in lad a Razaka, in his 
treatife of Kings, the tenth Chapter, in the end. Concerning the na- 
tions, the ancientshave commanded us tovijit their Jick and to hury their 
dead, as the dead of Ifrael,and to relieve, and maintain their poor,aswe 
do the poor of Ifrael, iecaufe of the wayes of peace, as it is written, 
God is good to all, and his tender mercies are over all his works. Pfal. 
145. 9. And in conformity hereto, I witneffe before God blef- 
fed for ever, that I have continually feen in Arnfierdam where I re- 
fide, abundance of good correfpondency, many interchanges of 
brotherly affeftion, and fundry things of reciprocall love. I 
have thrice feen when fome Flemine Chriftians have fallen into 
the river in our ward, called Flemhurgh, our nation caft them- 
felves into the river to them, to help them out, and to deliver 
their lives from death. And certainly he that will thus hazard 
himfelf to fave another, cannot harbour fo much cruell malice, 
as to kill the innocent, whom he ought out of the duty of huma- 
nity to defend and proteft. 

3. It is forbidden Exodus 31. ao. to kill a ftranger; If a man 
fmite hisfervant, or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he 
shall fur ely be punished,notwith/ianding, if he continue aday or two, he 
shall not l>e punished, for he is hismoney. The text fpeaks of a fervant 
that is one of the Gentile nations, becaufe that he onely is faid to 
be the money of the lew, who is his mafter, as Ahen Ezra well notes 
upon the place. And the Lord commands, that if he die under 
the hand of his mafler, his mafter fliall be put to death, for that as 
it feems, he flruck him with a murderous intent. But it is otherwife 
if the fervant dies afterwards, for then it appeares, that he did not 
ftrike him with a purpofe to kill him ; for if fo, he would have killed 
him Out of hand, wherefore he fhall be free, and it may fuffice for 
punifliment that he hath loft his money. If therefore a lew cannot 

A 3 kill 


kill his fervant, or (lave that is one of the nations, according to 
the law, how much lefle fhall he be impowred to murder him 
that is not his enemy, and with whom he leads a quiet and a pea- 
ceable life? and therefore how can any good man believe that 
againfi: his holy law, a lew (in a flrange countrey efpecially) 
fhould make himfelf guilty of fo execrable a fa£i: ? 

4. Admit that it were lawfull (which God forbid) why fliould 
they eat the bloud ? And fuppofing they fhould eat the bloud, 
why fhould they eat it on the Paffeover ? Here at this feaft, eve- 
ry confeftion ought to be fo pure, as not to admit of any leaven, 
or any thing that may fermentate, which certainly bloud doth. 

5. If the leives did repute, and hold this aftion (which is never 
to be named without an epethite of horrour) neceflary, they 
would not expofe themfelves to fo eminent a danger, to fo cru- 
ell and more deferved punifhment, unlefle they were moved to 
it by fome divine precept; or at leaf!:, fome conftitution of their 
wife men. Now we challenge all thofe men who entertain this 
dreadfull opinion of us, as obliged in point of juflice, to cite the 
place of Scripture, or of the Rabbins, where any fuch precept, or 
doftrine is delivered. And untill they do fo, we will aflume fo 
much liberty, as to conclude it to be no better then a malicious 

6. If a man, to fave his life, may break the Sabbath, and tranf- 
grefle many of the other commands of the law, as hath been 
determined in the Talmud ; as alfo confirmed by R. Mofes of E- 
gypt, in the fifth Chapter of his treatife of the fundamentalls of 
the law ; yet three are excepted, which are, idolatry, murther, and 
adultery ; life not being to be purchafed at fo dear a rate, as the com- 
mitting of thefe heinous fins : an innocent death being infinitely 
to be preferred before it. Wherefore if the killing of a Chrifl:ian, 
as they objeft, were a divine precept, and inflitution, (which far 
be it from me to conceive) it were certainly to be null'd and ren- 
dred void, fince a man cannot perform it, without indangering 
his own life ; and not onely fo, but the life of the whole congre- 
gation of an entire people; and yet more, fince it is dire£tly a vi- 
olation of one of thefe three precepts, Thou shall do no murder : 
which is intended univerfally of all men, as we have faid before. 

7. The 



*]. The Lord, blefled for ever, by his prophet leremiak Chap. 
39. 7. gives it in command to the captive Ifraelites that were di- 
fperfed among the heathens, that they fliould continually pray 
for, and endeavour the peace, welfare and profperity of the city 
wherein they dwelt, and the inhabitants thereof. This the lewes 
have alwayes done, and continue to this day in all their Syna- 
gogues, with a particular bleffing of the Prince or Magiftrate, un- 
der whofe proteftion they live. And this the Right Honourable 
my Lord St. lohn can teftifie ; who when he was Embafladour to 
the Lords the States of the united Provinces, was pleafed to ho- 
nour our Synagogue at Arn/ierdam with his prefence, where our 
nation entertained him with mufick, and all expreffions of joy and 
gladneffe, and alfo pronounced a bleffing, not onely upon his 
honour, then prefent, but upon the whole Common-wealth of 
England, for that they were a people in league and amity ; and be- 
caufe we conceived fome hopes that they would manifeft towards ^ 
us, what we ever bare towards them, viz. all love and aifeftion. 
But to return again to our argument, if we are bound to ftudy, 
endeavour, and follicite, the good and flourifliing eflate of the 
city where we live, and the inhabitants thereof, how fhall we then 
murder their children, who are the greateft good, and the moft 
flourifliing bleffing that this life doth indulge to them, 

8. The children of Ifrael are naturally mercifull, and full of 
compaffion. This was acknowledged by their enemies. Kings i, 
20, 31. when Benhadad King of Affyria was difcomfited in the 
battel, and fled away, he became a petitioner for his life to King 
Ahal, who had conquered him ; for he underftood that the Kings 
of the houfe of Ifrael were mercifull Kings ; and his own experience 
confirmed it, when for a little affeftion that he pretended in a 
complement, he obtained again his life and fortunes, from which 
the event of the warre had difentitled him. And when the 
Giheonites made that cruell requeft to David, that feven of Sauls 
fons who were innocent, fliould be delivered unto them, the pro- 
phet faies, now the Giheonites were not of the children of Ifrael, Sam, 
a. ai, a. as if he had faid, in this cruelty, the piety of the Ifra- 
elites is not fo much fet forth, as the tyranny, and implacable rage 
of the Gentiles, the Giheonites. Which being fo, and experience 

with all 


withall declares itj viz. the fidelity which our nation hath invio- 
lably preferved towards their fuperiours, then mod certainly it 
is wholly incompatible, and inconfiftent with the murdering of 
their children. 

9. There are fome Chriftians, that ufe to infult againft the lewes, 
as Chriftian homicides, that will venter to give a reafon of thefe 
pretended murtherous praftifes. As if the accufation were then 
moft infallibly true, if they can find any femblance of a reafon 
why it might be fo. As they fay, that this is praftifed by them in 
hatred and deteftation of Jefus of Nazareth. And that therefore 
they Ileal Chriftian Children, buffeting them in the fame manner 
that he was buffetted ; thereby to rub up, and revive the memo- 
ry of the aforefaid death. And likewife they imagine that the 
lewes fecretly fteal away erofles, crucifixes, and fuch like graven 
images, which Papifts privately and carefully retein in their hou- 
fes, and every day the lewes mainly ftrike, and buffet, fhamefully 
fpitting on them, with fuch like ceremonies of defpight, and all 
this in hatred of Jefus. But I admire what they really think, when 
they objeft fuch things as thefe, laying them to our charge. For 
furely we cannot believe, that a people, otherwife of fufficient pru- 
dence, and judgement, can perfwade themfelves into an opinion 
that the lewes fhould commit fuch praftifes, unlefTe they 
could conceive they did them in honour and obedience to the 
God whom they worfhip. And what kind of obedience is this 
they perform to God blefTed for ever, when they direftly fin a- 
gainft that fpeciall command Thou shall not kill ? Befides, this can- 
not be committed without the imminent, and manifeft peril! of 
their lives aud fortunes, and the necefTary expofing themfelves to 
a juft revenge. Moreover, it is an Anathema to a lew to have any 
graven images in his houfe, or any thing of an idol, which any of 
the nations figuratively worfhip, Deut. 7. 36. 

10. Matthew Paris p. 53a. writes, how that in the year 1340. 
the lewes circumcifed a Chriftian child at Norwich, and gave him 
the name lurnin, and referved him to be crucified, for which caufe 
many of them were moft cruelly put to death. The truth of this 
ftory will evidently appear upon the confideration of its circum- 
ftances. He was first circumcifed, and this perfeftly conftitutes 



him a letv. Now for a lew to embrace a Chriftian in his armes, 
and fofter him in his bofome, is a teftimoiiy of great love and 
affeftion. But if it was intended that fhortly after this child 
fhould be crucified, to what end was he firft circumcifed ? If it 
fhall be faid it was out of hatred to the Chriftians, it appears ra- 
ther to the contrary, that it proceeded from deteftation of 
the lewes, or of them who had newly become profelytes, to em- 
brace the lewes religion. Surely this fuppofed pranck (ftoried 
to be done in popifh times) looks more like a piece of the reall 
fcene of the Popifh Spaniards piety, who firft baptiz'd the poor 
Indians, and afterwards out of cruel pity to their fouls, inhumane- 
ly butchered them ; then of ftrict-law-obferving lewes, who dare 
not make a fport of one of the feales of their covenant. 

II. Our captivity under the Mahumetans is farre more bur- 
denfome, and grievous then under the Chriftians, and fo our an- 
cients have faid, itisletter to inhabit under Edom thenIfmael,{oT they 
are a people more civill, and rationall, and of a better policie, as 
our nation have found experimentally. For, excepting the no- 
bler, and better fort of lewes, fuch as live in the Court of Con/ian- 
tinople, the vulgar people of the lewes that are difperfed in other 
countries of the Mahumetan Empire, in .d/ia and Africa, are treat- 
ed with abundance of contempt and fcorn. It would therefore 
follow, that if this facrificing of children be the produft and re- 
fult of hatred, that they fhould execute and difgorge it much 
more upon the Mahumetans, who have reduced them to fo great 
calamity and miferv. So that if it be neceflary to the celebration of 
the Pafleover, why do they not as well kill a Mahumetan ? But al- 
though the lewes are fcattered, and difperfed throughout all 
thofe vaft territories, notwithflanding all their defpite againft us, 
they never yet to this day forged fuch a calumnious accufation. 
AVherefore it appeares plainly, that it is nothing elfe but a flander, 
and fuch a one, that confidering how the fcene is laid, I cannot ea- 
fily determine whether it fpeak more of malice, or of folly^ cer- 
tainly Sultan Selim made himfelf very merry with it, when the 
ftory was related him by Mofes Amon his chief Phyficyan. 

13. If all that which hath been faid is not of fuflScient force to 
wipe off this accufation, becaufe the matter on our part is 

B purely 


purely negative, and fo cannot be cleared by evidence of wit- 
nefles, I am conftrained to ufe another way of argument, which 
the Lord, blefled for ever, hath prefcribed Exod. aa. which is an 
oath ; wherefore I fwear, without any deceit or fraud, by the moft 
high God, the creatour of heaven and earth, who promulged his 
law to the people of Ifrael, upon mount Sinai, that I never yet to 
this day faw any fuch cuflome among the people of Ifrael, and 
that they doe not hold any fuch thing by divine precept of the 
law, or any ordinance or inftitution of their wife men, and that 
they never committed or endeavoured fuch wickednefle, (that I 
know, or have credibly heard, or read in any Jewifh Authours) 
and if I lie in this matter, then let all the curfes mentioned in Le- 
viticus and Deuteronomy come upon me, let me never fee the blef- 
fings and confolations of Zion, nor attain to the refurreftion of 
the dead. By this I hope I may have proved what I did intend, and 
certainly this may fuffice all the friends of truth, and all faithfull 
Chriftians to give credit to what I have here averred. And in- 
deed our adverfaries who have been a little more learned, and 
confequently a little more civill then the vulgar, have made a halt 
at this imputation. lohn Hoornheek in that book which he lately 
writ againfl: our nation, wherein he hath objefted againfl: us, right 
or wrong, all that he could any wayes fcrape together, was not- 
withftanding afliamed to lay this at our door, in his Prolegomena 
pag. 26. where he fayes, An autem verumjitquod vulgbinhiftoriislega- 
tur, &c. i.e. whether that be true which is commonly read in hiflio- 
ries, to agsravate the lewes hatred againfl: the Chrifl;ians, or ra- 
ther the Chrifl:ians againfl: the lewes, that they fhould annually 
upon the preparation of the Pafleover, after a cruell manner fa- 
crifice a Chriflian child, privily ftollen, in difgrace, and contempt 
of Chrifl:, whofe paflion, and crucifixion the Chrifl:ians celebrate, 
I will not afl^ert for truth; as well knowing, how eafy it was for 
thofe times wherein thefe things are mentioned, to have hap- 
pen'd, (efpecially after the Inquifition was fet up in the Pope- 
dome) to forge, and fain ; and how the hiftories of thofe ages, ac- 
cording to the afleftion of the writers, were too too much addi- 
61:ed, and given unto fables and figments. Indeed I have never 
yet feen any of all thofe relations that hath by any certain ex- 

periment proved this faft, for they are all founded ; either upon 
the uncertain report of the vulgar, or elfe upon the fecret accufa- 
tion of the Monks belonging to the inquifition, not to mention 
the avarice of the informers, wickedly hanquering after the Jeives 
wealth, and fo with eafe forging any wickednefle. For in the firft 
book of the Sicilian conftitutions tit. 7. we fee the Emperour 
Frederick faving, Sivero hideeus, vel Saracenus Jit, in quihusproutcertb 
perpendimtis Chriftianorum perfecutio minus ahundat adprcefens, but 
if he be a lew or a Saracen, againfl: whom, as we have weighed, 
the perfecution of the Chriftians do much abound, ^c. thus 
taxing the violence of certain Chriftians agaiiift the \ewes. Or if 
perhaps it hath fometimes happenetl, that a Chriftian was kill'd 
by a lew, we muft not therefore fay that in all places where they 
inhabit, they annually kill a Chriftian Child. And for that which 
Thomas Cantipratenjis lib. a. cap. 23. affirms, vi%. that it is certainly 
known, that the \eujes every vear, in every province, caft lots w hat 
city or town fhall afford Chriftian bloud to the other cities. I can 
give it no more credit then his other fictions and lies where- 
with he hath ftufFed his book. Thus farre \ohn Hoornbeek. 

13. Notwithftanding all this, there are not wanting fome hi- 
ftories, that relate thefe and the like calumnies againft an afflifted 
people. For which caufe the Lord faith, He that toucheth you touch- 
eth the apple of my eye, Zach. a. 6. I fhall curfoiarily mention fome 
paflages that have occurred in my time, whereof, I fay not that I 
was an eye witneiTe, but onely that they were of generall report 
and credence, without the leaft contradiction. I have faithfully 
noted both the names of the perfons, the places where, and the 
time when they happened, in my continuation of Flavins ]ofephus, 
I (hall be the lefTe curious therefore in reciting them here. In (Vi- 
enna the Metropolis oi Auftria, Frederick being Emperour, there 
was a pond frozen, according to the cold of thofe parts, wherein 
three boyes (as it too frequently happens) were drowned, when 
they were miffed, the imputation is caft upon the ^ewes, and 
they are incontinently indifted, for murthering of them, to cele- 
brate their Paffeover. And being imprifoned, after infinite pray- 
ers and fupplications made to no effeft, three hundred of them 
were burnt, when the pond thawd, thefe three boyes were found, 

B 2 and 


and then their innocency was clearly evinc'd although too late, 
after the execution of this cruelty. 

In Araguza about thirty yeares ago, there was a Chriftian wo- 
man, into whofe houfe there came a little girle (of eleven yeares 
of age, daughter to a neighbouring gentleman) richly adorned 
with jewels : this wretched woman, not thinking of a fafer way to 
rob her, then by killing her, cut her throat, and hid her under 
her bed, the girle was prefently mift, and by information they 
underftood that fhe was feen to go into that houfe, they call a 
Magiflrate to fearch the houfe, and find the girle dead, flie con- 
fefl: the faft, and as if fhe fhould have expiated her own guilt by 
deftroying a lew, though never fo innocent, fhe faid, flie did it 
at the inftigation and perfwafion of one Ifaac Jeshurun, for that 
the Jewes wanted bloud to celebrate their feafi: : (he was hang'd, 
and the Jew was apprehended, who being fix times cruelly tor- 
tur'd, they employing their wits in inventing unheard of, and in- 
fufFerable torments, fuch as might gain Perillous the efl:imation 
of mercifull and compaffionate, ftill cryes out of the falfhood of 
the accufation, faying, that that wickedneffe which he never com- 
mitted, no not fo much as in his dreams, was malicioufly imputed 
to him, yet notwithflanding he was condemned to remain clofe 
prifoner for twenty yeares, ( though he continued there onely 
three, ) and to be fed there through a trough, upon the bread 
and water of affliction, being clofe manacled, and naked, within 
a four fquare wall, built for that purpofe, that he might there 
perifh in his own dung. This mans brother Jofeph Jejhtirun is now 
living at this time in Hamlorough. This miferable man calling up- 
on God, befeeching him to fhew fome fignall teflimony of his 
innocencie, and citing before his divine tribunal! the Senatours 
who had with no more mercy, then juflice, thus grievoufly and 
inhumanely afflicted him ; the blefl!ed God was a juft Judge, 
for the Prince died fuddenly at a banquet, the Sunday next en- 
fuing the giving of the fentence, and during the time of his im- 
prifonment, the aforefaid Senatours by little and little dropt a- 
way, and died, which was prudently obferved by thofe few that 
yet remain'd, wherefore they refolved to deliver themfelves by 
reftoring him to his liberty, accounting it as a particular di- 


vine providence: this man came out well, pafled throughout all 
Italy, where he was feen, to the admiration of all that had cog- 
nizance of his sufferings, and died a few yeares fince at Jerw- 

14. The aft of the faith (which is ordinarily done at Toledo) 
was done at Madrid, Artno 1632, in the prefence of the King of 
Spain, where the Inquifitors did then take an oath of the King 
and queen, that thev fhould maintain and conferve the Catho- 
lick faith in their dominions. In this aft it is found printed, how 
that a family of our nation was burnt, for confefling upon the 
wrack the truth of a certain accufation of a maid fervant, who, 
( provoked out of fome difguft ) faid, that they had fcourged, 
and whip't an image, which by the frequent lafhes, ifflied forth a 
great deal of bloud, and crving with an out ftretched voice, faid 
unto theiti, why do vou thus cruelly fcourge me? the whole no- 
bility well underftood that it was all falfe, but things of the in- 
quifition all muft hufh. 

15. A very true ftory happened at Lislon, Anno 1631. A certain 
Church miffed one night a filver pixe or box, wherein was the 
popifli hofts. And forafmuch as they had feen a young youth of 
our nation, whofe name was Simao pires folis, fufficiently noble, 
to pafl!e by the fame night, not farre from thence, who went to vi- 
fit a Lady, he was apprehended, imprifoned, and terribly tortured. 
They cut off his hands, and after they had dragged him along the 
ftreets, burnt him. one year pafled over, and a thief at the foot 
of the gallowes confefled how he himfelf had rifled and plunder- 
ed the fhrine of the hoft, and not that poor innocent whom they 
had burnt. This young mans brother was a Frier, a great Theo- 
logift, and a preacher, he lives now a Jew in Arn/ierdam, and calls 
himfelf Eliazar de folis. 

16. Some perhaps will fay, that men are not blame worthy for 
imputing to the ]ewes, that which they themfelves with their own 
mouthes have confeft. But furely he hath little underftanding of 
wracks, and tortures that fpeaks thus. An Earle oi Portugal, when 
his Phvficvan was imprifoned for being a }ew, requefled one of the 
inquifitors, by letter, that he would caufe him to be fet at liberty, 
for that he knew for certain that he was a very good Chriftian, but 

B3 he 



he not being able to undergo the tortures inflifted on him, con- 
fefled himfelf a lew, and became a penitentiary. At which the 
Earl being much incenft, feins himfelf fick, and defires the in- 
quifitor by one of his fervants, that he would be pleafed to come 
and vifit him. when he came, he commanded him that he fhould 
conleffe that himfelf was a lew, and further, that he fhould put it 
down in writing with his own hand, which when he refufed to do, 
he charges fome of his fervants to put a helmet that was red hot 
in the fire, (provided for this purpofe) upon his head; at which, 
he not being able to endure this threatned torment, takes him 
afide to confeffe, and alfo he writ with his own hand that he was a 
lew: whereupon the Earl takes occafion to reprove his iiijuftice, 
crueltv, and inhumanity, faying, in like manner as you have con- 
fefl:, did my Phvficyan confeffe. Befides that, you have prefently, 
onely out of fear, not fence of torment, confefi; more. For 
this caufe in the Ifraelitifh Senate, no torture was ever infli- 
cted, but onely every perfon was convifted at the teflimony of 
two witnefles. That fuch like inflruments of cruelty mav enforce 
children that have been tenderly educated, and fathers that have 
lived delicioufly to confeffe that they have whipt an image, and 
been guilty of fuch like criminall offences, daily experience may 

17. Others will perchance alledge, thefe are hiflories indeed, 
but they are not facred, nor canonicall. I answer. Love and ha- 
tred fayes Plutarch, corrupt the truth of everv thing, as experi- 
ence fufficiently declares it ; when we fee that which comes to 
paffe, that one and the fame thing, in one and the fame citv, at 
one and the fame time, is related in different manners. I my felf 
in my own Negotiation here have found it. For it hath been ru- 
moured abroad, that our nation had purchafed S. Pauls Church 
for to make it their Synagogue, notwithflanding that it was for- 
merly a temple confecrated to the worfhip of Diana. And many 
other things have been reported of us that never entred into the 
thoughts of our nation ; as I have feen a fabulous Narrative of 
the proceedings of a great Council of the lewes, afTembled in 
the plain oi Ageda in Hungaria, to determine whether the MefKah 
were come or no. 

18. And 


i8. And now, fince that it is evident that it is forbidden the 
lewes to eat any manner of bloud, and that to kill a man is direft- 
ly prohibited bv our law, and the reafons before given are con- 
fentaneous and agreeable to every ones underftanding, I know it 
will be inquired by many, but efpecially by thofe who are more 
pious, and the friends of truth, how this calumnie did arife, and 
from whence it derived its firft original!. I may anfwer, that 
this wickednefle is laid to their charge for divers reafons. 

Firft, Ruffinus the familiar friend of S. Hierome in his verfion of 
lofephu^ his fecond book that he writ againft Apion the Gramma- 
rian ( for the Greek text is there wanting ) tells us how Apion in- 
vented this flander to gratifie Antiochus, to e.xcufe his facriledge, 
and juftifie his perfidious dealing with the lewes, making their 
eftates fupply his wants. Propheta vero aliorum est Apion &c. Apion 
is become a Prophet, and faid th&t Antiockus found in the temple, 
a bed, with a man lying upon it, and a table fet before him, fur- 
uiflied with all dainties both of fea and land, and fowles, and that 
this man was aftonifhed at them, and prefently adores the en- 
trance of the King, as coming to fuccour and relieve him, and 
proftrating himfelf at his knees, & ftretching out his right hand, 
he implores liberty; whereat the King commanding him to fit down 
and declare who he was, whv he dwelt there, and what was the caufe 
of this his plentifuU provifion ? the man with fighs and tears, la- 
mentably weeps out his neceiBty : and tells him that he 
is a Grecian, and whilft he travelled about the province to get 
food, he was fuddenly apprehended, and caught up by fome 
flrange men, and brought to the temple, and there fliut up, that 
he misht be feen bv no man, but be there fatted with all man- 
ner of dainties, and that thefe unexpefted benefits wrought in 
him at the firft joy, then fufpicion, after that aftonifhment, and 
laft of all, advifing with ihe Minifter that came unto him, he un- 
derftood that the lewes every year, at a certain time appointed 
according to their fecret and ineffable law, take up fome Greek 
ftranger, and after he hath been fed delicately for the fpace of a 
whole year, they bring him into a certain wood, and kill him. 
Then according to their folem rites and ceremonies, they facri- 
fice his body, and every one tafting of his intrails, in the offer- 

ing up of this Greek, they enter into a folemn oath, that they 
will bear an immortall feude and hatred to the Greeks. And then 
they caft the reliqiies of this perifhing man into a certain pit. Af- 
ter this Apion makes him to fay, that onely fome few dayes remain- 
ed to him, before his execution, &; to defire the King that he, fear- 
ing and worfhipping the Grecian gods, would revenge the bloud 
of his fubjefts upon the lewes, and deliver him from his ap- 
proaching death. This fable ( faith lofephus ) as it is moft full of 
all tragedy, fo it abounds with cruel! impudence, I had rather 
you fhould read the confutation of this flander there, then I to 
write it in this place, you will find it in the Geneva edition of lo- 
fephus, pag. 1066. 

Secondly, The very fame accufation and horrid wickednefle 
of killing children, and eating their bloud, was of old by the an- 
cient heathens, charg'd upon the Chriflians, that thereby they 
might make them odious, and incenfe the common people a- 
gainfi; them, as appeares by Tertullian in his Apologia contra gentes, 
lu/iin Martyr in apologia %. ad Anton. Euf eh ius Ccefareerifis 1. 5. cap. i. 
&4. Pineda in his Monarchia Ecclejiaftica 1. 11. c. 53. and many 
others, as is known sufficiently. So that the imputation of this 
cruelty, which as to them continues onely in memory, is to the 
very fame purpofe, at this day charged upon the lewes. And as 
they deny this faft, as being falfly charged upon them, fo in like 
manner do we deny it, and I may fay perhaps with a little more 
reafon, forafmuch as we eat not any manner of bloud, wherein 
they do not think themfelves obliged. 

Now the reafon of this flander was alwaves the covetous ambition 
of fome, who defiring to gain their wealth, and pofleffe them- 
felves of their eftates, have forg'd and introduc'd this enormous 
accufation, to colour their wickedneffe, under a fpecious pretence 
of revenging their own bloud. And to this purpofe, I remember 
that when I reproved a Rabbi (who came out of Poland to Am- 
Jierdam) for the excefle of ufurie in Germany, and Poland, which 
they exafted of the Chriftians, and told him how moderate they 
in Holland and in Italy were, he replyed, we are of neceffity con- 
fl:rained to do fo, becaufe they fo often raife up faife witnefles 
againft us, and levie more from us at once, then we are able to 


get again by them in many yeares. And fo, as experience 
(hews, it ufually fucceeds with our poor people under this 
pretext and colour. 

19. And fo it hath been divers times; men mifchieving the 
lewes to excufe their own wickedneffe ; as to inftance one pre- 
cedent in the time of a certain King of Portugal. The Lord, 
bleffed for ever, took away his fleep one night, (as he did from 
King Ahashuerus ) and he went up into a belcony in the palace, 
from whence he could difcover the whole city, and from thence 
{ the moon fliining clear ) he efpyed two men carrying a dead 
corps, which they caft into a lew's yard. He prefently difpatches a 
couple of fervants, and commands them, yet with a feeming care- 
lefnefle, they (hould trace and follow thofe men, and take notice 
of their houfe; which they accordingly did. The next day there 
is a hnrly burly and a tumult in the city, accufing the lewes of 
murder. Thereupon the King apprehends thefe rogues, and they 
confefle the truth ; and confidering that this bufmeffe was guided 
by a particular divine providence, calls fome of the wife men of 
the lewes, and asks them how they tranflate the 4. verfe of the 
121 Pfalm, and they anfwered. Behold, he that keepeth Ifrael will 
neither Jlumher norjleep. The King replied, if he will not {lumber 
then much lefle will he fleep, you do not fay well, for the true 
tranflation is,Behold,the Lord doth notjlumler, neither will hejuffer 
him that keepeth Ifrael to fleep. God who hath yet a care over you, 
hath taken away my fleep, that I might be an eye witnefle of that 
wickednefle which is this day laid to your charge. This with 
many fuch like relations we may read in the book called Scehet 
lehuda, how fundry times, when our nation was at the very brink 
of defliruAion, for fuch forged flanders, the truth hath difcover- 
td k felf for their deliverance. 

^o. This matter of bloud hath been heretofore difcufled and 
difputed before one of the Popes, at a full councell ; where it 
was determined to be nothing elfe but a mere calumnie: and 
hereupon gave liberty to the lewes to dwell in his countryes, 
and s;ave the princes of Italy to underfland the fame, as alio 
Alfonfo the wife King of Spain. And fuppofe any one man had 
done fuch a thing, as I believe never any lew did fo, yet this 

C were 



were great cruelty to punifh a whole nation for one mans 

ai. But why fliould I ufe more words about this matter, fee- 
ing all that is come upon us, was foretold by all the prophets? 
Mofes, Deut. 28. 6i. Moreover, every Jicknejfe and every plague which 
is not written in the book of this law, them will the Lord bring upon 
thee, S^c. becaufe thou hq/i not hearkned to the voice of the Lord thy 
God. David in the 44. Pfalm make a dolefull complaint of thofe 
evils, and ignominious reproaches, wherewith we are invironed 
round about in this captivity, as if we were the proper center of 
mifery, faying. For thy fake are we killed all the day long, we are 
counted asfheepfor the /laughter. The fame he fpeaks Pfalm 74. and 
in other Pfalms. 

Ezekiel more particularly mentions this calumnie; God, blefled 
for ever, promifing Chap. 36. 13. that in time to come the de- 
vouring of men, or the eating of mans bloud fhall be no more 
imputed to them, according to the true and proper expofition of 
the learned Don Ifaac j4barbanel. The blefled God, according to 
the multitude of his mercies, will have compaflion upon his peo- 
ple, and will take away the reproach of Ifrael from off the earth, 
that it may be no^more heard, as is prop.hefied by Ifaiah, and let 
this fuffice to have fpoken as to this point. 


YOur worfhip defired joyntly, to know what ceremony, or 
humiliation the lewes ufe in their Synagogues, toward 
the book of the Law ; for which they are by fome igno- 
rantly reputed to be idolaters, I Ihall anfwer it in Order. 

Firft, the lewes hold themfelves bound to ftand up when the 
book of the Law written upon parchment, is taken out of the 
desk, untill it is opened on the pulpit, to fliew it to the people, 
and afterwards to be read. We fee that obferved in Nehemias, 
cap. 8. 6. where it is faid, And when he had opened it, all the people 
food up. and this they do in reverence to the word of God, and 
that facred Book. 



For the lame caufe^ when it pafleth from the desk toward the 
pulpit, ail that it palTeth by, bow down their heads a little, with 
reverence j which can be no idolatry for thefe following 

Firft, it is one thing adorare, viz. to adore, and another venerari, 
viz. to worjhip. For Adoration is forbidden to any creature, whe- 
ther Angelicall, or Earthly; but JVorJhip may be given to either 
of them, as to men of a higher rank, commonly ftiled worjhip- 
full. And fo Alraham, who in his time rooted out vain idolatry, 
humbled himfelf, and alfo proftrated himfelf before thofe three 
guefts, which then he entertained for Men. As alfo lofuah the holy 
Captain of the people, did proftrate himfelf to another Angel, 
which with a fword in his hand, made him afraid, at the gates of 
lericho. Wherefore if thofe were juft men, and if we are obliged 
to follow their example, and they were not reprehended for it, 
it is clear, that to worfhip the Law in this manner as we do, can be 
no idplatry. 

Secondly, The \ewes are very fcrupulous in fuch things, and 
fear in the leaft, to appear to give any honour or reverence to 
images. And fo it is to be feen in the Talmud, and in R. Mofes of 
Egypt in his Treatife of idolatry: That if by chance any Ifraelite 
fhould paffe by a Church, that had images on the outfide, and at 
that time a thorn fhould run into his foot, he may not ftoop to 
pull it out, becaufe he that fliould fee him, might fufpeft he bow- 
ed to fuch an image. Therefore according to this ftriftnefle, if 
that were any appearance of idolatry to bow to the Law, the lewes 
would utterly abhorre it; and fince they do it, it is an evident 
fign that it is none. 

Thirdly, to kiffe images is the principall worfhip of idolatry, 
as God faith, in the i of Kings 19. 19. Yet I have left me /even thou- 
fand in Ifrael, all the knees that have not bowed unto Baal, and every 
mouth that hath not kijfed him. But if that were fo, it would follow, 
that all men, who kifle the Teftament after they are fworn, fliould 
be idolaters. But becaufe that is not fo, fince that aft is but a fim- 
ple worfliip, by the fame reafon it will follow, that to bow the 
head, cannot be reputed for idolatry. 

Fourthly, Experience flieweth, that in all Nations the cere- 

C 2 monies 



monies that men ufe mutually one towards another, is to bow 
the head; And alfo there are degrees thereof, according to the 
quality of the perfon with whom they fpeak ; which fhew that in 
the opinion of all nations, it is no idolatry, and therefore much 
leffe, to reverence the Law with bowing of the body. 

Fifthly, In AJia ( and it is the fame almoft in all the world ) the 
people receiving a decree, or order of the king, they take it, and 
kifTe it, and fet it upon the head. We owe much more to Gods 
word, and to his divine Commandments. 

Sixthly, Ptolomeus Philadelphus, receiving the 7a Interpreters 
with the book of the Law, into his prefence, he rofe from his feat, 
and proftrating himfelf feven times, worfliipped it, ( as ArificBUS 
affures us.) If a Gentile did this to a law which he thought did 
not oblige him, much more do we owe reverence to that Law 
which was particularly given unto us. 

Seventhly, The Ifraelites hold for the Articles of their Faith, that 
there is a God ; who is one in moft fimple unity; eternall, incorpo- 
real!; who gave the written Law unto his people Ifrael, by the hand 
oi Mofes, the Prince, and chief of all the Prophets; whofe Provi- 
dence takes care for the world which he created ; who takes no- 
tice of all mens works, and rewardeth or punifheth them, Laft- 
ly, that one day Mefsias fliall come to gather together the fcat- 
tered Ifraelites, and fhortly after fliall be the refurreftion of the 

Thefe are their Doftrines, which I believe contain not any idola- 
try; nor yet in the opinion of thofe that are of other judgements ; 
For, as a moft learned Chrifl:ian of our time hath written, in a 
French book, which he calleth the Rappel of the lewes ( in which 
he makes the King of France to be their leader, when they fliall 
return to their country, ) the \ewes, faith he, fliall be faved, for 
yet we expeft a.fecond coming of the fame Mefsias; and the lewes 
believe that that coming is the first, and not the fecond, and by 
that faith they fliall be faved ; for the difference confifts onely 
in the circumftance of the time. 




Sir, I hope I have given fatisfadlion to your worfhip, touching 
thofe points. I {hall yet further inform you with the fame 
fincerity, concerning the reft. Sixtus Senenjis in his Billio- 
tliceca, lib. a. Titulo contra Talmud, and others, as Biatenfis, Ordine 
I. TraSi. i. Titulo Perachot. averre out of the Talmud, cap. 4. 
"that every lew, thrice a day, curfeth all Chriftians, and prayeth 
" to God to confound, and root them out, with their Kings and 
" Princes. And this is efpecially done in the Synagogue, by the 
" lewes Priefts, thrice a day. I pray let fuch as love the truth, 
fee the Talmud, in the quoted place ; and they fliall find nothing 
of that which is objefted : onely there is recited in the faid fourth 
Chapter, the daily prayer, which fpeaks of Minim, that is, Here- 
ticks, ordained in Table, ( that is a town not farre from lerufa- 
lem, between Gath and Gazim, &c. ) the Talmud hath no more. 
Hence Sixtus Senen/is by diftillation, draws forth the forefaid ca- 
lumnie, whenas, what the Talmud rehearfeth briefly, to be made 
onely by the wife men in the faid Town, he faith, was a confliitu- 
tion in the Talmud long after. 

Now let us fee what was done by thofe wife men in the faid 
Town; and let us examine, whether that may juftly offend the 

There is in the daily prayers a certain Chapter where it is thus 
written, la-Mumarim, &c. that is, For apostates, let there 
he no hope, let all Hereticks he dejiroyed, and all thine enemies, 
and all that hate thee, let them perish. And thou shalt root out the 
kingdome of pride forthwith, weaken, and put it out, and in our dayes. 
This whole Chapter fpeaketh nothing of Chriftians originally, 
but of the lewes, who fell in thofe times, to the Zaduces, and Epi- 
cureans, and to the Gentiles, as Mofes of Egypt faith, Traft. Tephi- 
la. cap. a. For by Apoftates and Hereticks are not to be under- 
ftood all men, that are of a diverfe religion, or heathens, or 
Gentiles, but thofe renegado lewes, who did abrogate the whole 

C 3 Law 


Law of Mofes, or any Articles received thence; and fuch are pro- 
perly by us called Hereticks. For according to the Law of Chri- 
ftians, he is not properly an Apoftate, or Heritick, who is origi- 
nally bred a fcholler and a candid follower from his youth of a 
diverfe law, and fo continueth : otherwife native lewes and Haga- 
rens, and other Nations that are no Chriftians, nor ever were, 
fhould be properly called Apoftates, and Hereticks in refpeft 
of Chriftians, which is abfurd, as it is abfurd for the lewes to 
call the Chriftians Apoftates, or Hereticks. Wherefore it fpeak- 
eth nothing of Chriftians, but of the fugitive lewes, that is, fuch 
as have deferted tlie ftandard, or the facred Law. 

2. Laftly, neither the kingdomes, nor kings that are Chrifti- 
ans, or Hagarens, or followers of other Sefts are curfed here, but 
namely the kingdome of Pride. Certain it is that in that time 
( wherein, our wife men added to the daily Prayers the forefaid 
Chapter ) there was no kingdome of Chriftians. what therefore 
that kingdome of pride was, ftiould any man ask, who can plainly 
ly fhew it."" So much as we can conjecture by it, it is the king- 
dome of the Romans which then flouriftied, which did rule over 
all Nations tyrannically and proudly, efpecially over the lewes. 
For, after that, Vefpqfian, with his fon Titus, had diffipated all lu- 
dea. And though fom Roman Emperours after that became Chri- 
ftians, or had a good opinion of Chriftianity, yet the kingdome 
of the Romans was heathenifli, and without diftinftion, was proud, 
and tyrannical!. And however the lewes repeated the fame words 
of the prayer when the Prince was very good, and they lived un- 
der a juft government, that they did, onely of an ancient cu- 
ftome, without any malice to the prefent government. And now 
truly in all their books printed again, the forefaid words are want- 
ing, left they fliould now be unjuftly objedled againft the lewes; 
and fo for Apoftates and Hereticks, they fay, fecret accufers,or betray- 
ers of the lewes. And for the kingdome of pride, they fubftitute 
all Zedim, that is, proud men. 

3. After this manner, to avoid fcandall, did the 73 Inter- 
preters, who coming in Leviticus, to unclean beafts ; in the place 
of Arneleth which fignifies the Hare, they put SaaviroBa, that is, 
rough foot ; leaving the Name, and keeping the fenfe. They would 


not retein the Hebrew word Arneleth, as they have done in fome 
other appellatives, left the wife of Ptolomy whofe name was Jrjie- 
let, ftiould think that the lewes had mocked her, if they fhould 
have placed her name amongft the unclean beafts. Neither would 
they render it \a7a)oj//a^oow,or\a7w /ago7z, which in the Greek lan- 
guage fignifies a Hare, left Ptolomij himfelf who was the fon, and 
nephew of the Lagi, fhould be offended, to fee the name of his 
family regiftred among the creatures that were unclean. Befides, 
Plutarch records, how that it was deeply refented, as a very 
high affront, and contempt, when one asked Ptolomy, who was 
Lagus his father, as if it fcoffingly reflefted upon his obfcure ex- 
traftion and defcent. 

4. The very like calumnie fell out concerning the very fame 
Chapter of our Prayer, when Mulet Zidan reigned in Morocco. 
A certain fugive lew, to fhew himfelf conftant in the Mahume- 
tan Religion, and an enemy to his own Nation, accufed the lewes 
before this king, faying, that they prayed to God for his deftru- 
(Stion, when they mention in their prayers all Zedim, as though 
they would have all the Family of Zidan deftroyed. They excu- 
fed themfelves with the truth, and affirmed, in praying againft 
Zedim, that they prayed onely againft prowd men, (as that word in 
their Hebrew language properly fignifieth ) and not againft his 
Majefty. The King admitted of their excufe; but faid unto 
them, that becaufe of the equivocation of the word, they fhould 
change it for another. 

5. For certain, the lewes give no occafion, that any Prince, 
or Magiftrate fhould be offended with them ; but contrariwife, 
as it feems to me, they are bound to love them, to defend, and 
proteft them. For, by their Law, and Talmud, and the inviolable 
cujiome of the difperfed lewes, every where, upon every Sabbath 
day, and in all yearly folemnities, they have prayers for Kings 
and Princes, under whofe Government the lewes live, be they 
Chriftians, or of other Religions, I fay by their haw, as lere- 
miah ch. 39. commandeth, viz. Seek ye the peace of the city, whi- 
ther I have caufedyou to he carried away captives, and pray for them, 
unto the Lord, &c. By the Talmud ord. 4. Tra6t. 4. Abodazara. 
cap. I . there is a prayer for the peace of the Kingdome, from ai/iome, 



never intermitted of the lewes. Wherefoever they are on the 
Sabbath day, and their annuall folemnities, the Minifter of the 
Synagogue before he blefleth the people of the lewes, doth with 
a loud voice, blefle the Prince of the country under whom they 
live, that all the lewes may hear it; and they fay Amen. You 
have feen the Form of the prayer in the book entitled The hum- 
ble Addrefles. 

6. In like manner the ancients obferve, that whereas God com- 
mands in Numbers 29. 13. that feventy bullocks fhould be fa- 
crificed upon the feven dayes of the feaft of tabernacles, that this 
was in refpeft of the feventy nations (who fhall one day come up 
to lerufalem, year after year, to keep this feaft of tabernacles, 
Zechar. 14. 16. ) for whofe confervation they alfo facrificed. For 
they fay, that all the nations of the earth shall he llejjed in Abraham, 
and inhisfeed, notonelyfpiritually, and in the knowledge of the onefirji 
caufe, but alfo that at this time theyjhall enjoy temporall, and earthly 
blefsings, by vertue of that promife. And fo in the time of the fecond 
temple, they offered up facrifice for their confederate nations, as 
may appear by thefe enfuing ihftances. 

In Megilat Tahanit. cap. 9. it is reported, that when Alexander 
the great, at the inftigation of the Samaritans, that inhabited 
mount Gerizim, went with a refolution to deftroy the temple, 
Simeon the jufl: met him in the way, and amongfl: divers reafons 
that he urged to divert him from his purpofe, told him, this is the 
place,where we pray unto God for the welfare of your f elf , and of your 
kingdome, that it may not be defroyed, and fhall thefe men perfwade 
you to de/iroy this place ? 

The like we find in the firft book of the Maccabees, cap. 7. 33. 
and in lofephus his Antiq. lib. 1%. cap. 17. when Demetrius had fent 
Nicanor the Generall of his army a-gainU ^erufal em, the Priefts, with 
the Elders of the people went forth to falute him, and to fhew 
him the facrifice which they offered up to God for the welfare of 
the King. 

In the fame hiftory lib. 2. 3. and in }ofephus Gorionides lib. 3. 
cap. 16. we may read, that Heliodorus Generall to Selencus, came to 
lerufalem with the fame intent, Onias the High-prieft, befought 
him, not to deftroy that place, where they prayed to God for 



the profperity of the King, and his iflue, and for the conferva- 
tion of his kingdome. 

In the firft Chapter of Baruch, the difciple of 'Jeremiah, we 
find that the lewes, who were firft carried captive into Babylon 
with \echonias, made a colleftion of money, according to every 
ones power, and feut it to Jemfalem, faying, Behold, we havefent 
you money, wherewith ye shall buy offerings, and pray for the life of 
Neluchadnezzar, and for the life of Baltafar his fonne, thai their dayes 
may he upon earth as the dayes of heaven, and that God would give us 
Jirength,'and lighten our eyes, that we may live under their shadow, 
that we may long do them,fervice, and find favour in their fight. 

The lewes in ^fia did the fame, as is reported by Jofephtis Gori- 
onides, lib. 3. cap. 4. they fent letters, with a prefent to Hircanus 
the High-prieft, defiring that prayers might be made for the life 
of Augit/ius Ccefar, and his companion Marcus Antonius. 

Philo Judcmis, in the book of his Embaflage to Cuius, making 
mention of a letter which Caius fent, requiring his ftatue to be fet 
up in the facred temple, and Agrippa's anfwer thereupon, unto 
the faid Emperour, reports, that there were thefe words in it, viz. 
The lewes facrifice for the profperity of your Empire, and that not 
onely upon their folemn feq/is, but alfo every day. 

The like is recorded by Jofephtis, (lib. 3. cap. 9. De hello Judaico) 
the lewes faid to Petronius General! to the Emperour Caius, we 
daily offer up burnt offerings unto God, for the peace of the Emperour, 
and the whole people of Rome. And in his fecond book againft Api- 
on, he fa yes, we Hebrews have allwayes acciiftomed to honour Empe- 
rour s with particular facrifices. 

Neither was this fervice ever entertained unthankfully, as ap- 
pears by the decree of Cyrus, Ezra 6. 3. where alfo Darius com- 
mands, that of the Kings goods, even of the tribute, expences should be 
forth-with given unto the Elders of the lewes &c. and that which they 
had need of, both young bullocks, and rammes, and lambs for the burnt- 
offerings of the Lord of heaven, and wheat, fait, wine, and oyl, &c. that 
they might offer facrifices of afweet favour, unto the God of heaven, 
and pray for the life of the King, and of his foiines. 

The fame alfo was commanded afterwards by Artaxerxes, who 
alfo conferred liberally many large gifts, as well towards the 

D build- 


building of the temple, as the maintaining of the facrifices. As 
for Mexander the great, he lighted down out of his chariotj and 
bowed himfelf at the feet of the High-prieft, defiring him to offer 
up facrifice to God on his behalf. And who can be ignorant of 
Ptolomy Philadelphus, how richly he endowed the temple, as is re- 
corded by Arijleas ? Nor did Antiochus king of the Greeks unlike 
this, when by a publick edidt, he forbid that any fir anger should 
enter the temple, to prophane that place, which the Hebrews had con- 
fecraled to religion, and divine worfiiip. (Jofephus lih. la. cap. 3.) 
Demetrius did the like, {jofephus lib. 13. cap. 5. 6.) To which may 
be added, that when they of lerufalem contended with them of 
Samaria, about the honour and dignity of the temple, before 
Alexander the great, the lerufalem Priefl in his plea, urged, that 
this templewas ever had in great reverence by all the Kings of AG^a, and 
by them enrichtwithfundryfplendid and magnificent gifts. In the fe- 
cond book of lofephus againft Apion, we read, that Ptolomy Euerge- 
^^5, when he had conquered Syria, offered up Eucharifiicall facri- 
fices, not to idols, and falfe Gods, but to the true God, at lerufa- 
lem, according to the manner of the lewes. Pompey the great, as 
is mentioned by lofephus de bello ludaico ( lib. i. cap. 5- ) durfi: not 
fpoyl, no nor fo much as touch the treafures of the temple, not 
becaufe ( as Tully in his Oration for Plancius fuppofeth, to whom 
Augiiftine in his book de civitale Dei aJJ'entos ) he feared lefl: he 
might be thought too avaritious; for this feems in comparifon, 
very ridiculous, and childifh ; for military law would foon have 
acquitted him for this; but becaufe of the reverence to the place 
with which his mind was fo affefted. Philo ludceus, (p. loa. 6.) 
relates a letter oiAgrippa's, where he writes, that Augifius Cafar had 
the temple in fo great reverence, that he commanded a facrifice 
of one bullock, and two lambs, to be offered up every day out 
of his own revenues. And his wife lulia Augufia, adorn'd it with 
golden cups, and bafons, and many other coftly gifts. Neither 
did Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, fall fhort of her liberallity. Ti- 
berius throughout the aa years of his Empire, commanded fa- 
crifices to be offered up unto God, out of his own tribute. The 
like did Nero, till the unadvifed rafhneffe of Eleazar in refufing 
his facrifice, alienated the mind of the Emperour, that he became 
the caufe of a bloudy perfecution. And 


And by all this, we may the better interpret that ii verfe of the 
I. chap, of Malachy) who flourifht in the fecond temple,) The 
words are, From the rifing of the fun, even unto the going down of the 
fame,myname shall he greatamongthe Gentiles, arid in every placein- 
cenfe shall be offered unto my name, andapure offering; for my name 
shall he great among the heathen, faith the Lord ofhqfis. For befides 
that the heathens termed the temple the houfe of the great God, 
{Ezra 5. 8.) they and their Monarchs, and Emperours, both of 
Perfia, Grece, and Rome, deiired, as we have heard, to have facrifi- 
ces, and incenfe, offered for them in Gods name. 

9. And let the reader, be pleafed further to obferve, that the 
leives were accuflomed, not onely to offer up facrifices, and pray- 
ers to God, for the Emperours, their friends, confederates, and 
allyes, but alfo generally for the whole world. It is the cuftome 
{ iaith Agrippa to Caius according to Philo p. 1035.) for the High- 
prieft, at the day of attonement, to make a prayer unto God, for 
all mankind ; befeeching him to adde unto them another year, 
with blefling and peace. The fame Philo ludceus in his fecond book 
of ikfowarcAy faith, Thepriefls of other nations pray unto Godonelyfor 
the welfare of their own particular natioiis, hut our High-prie/ipr ayes 

for the happineffe and profperity of the whole world. And in his book 
of facrifices, p. 836. he faith. Some facrifices ar e_offeredup for our 
nation, andfome for all mankind^ For the daily facrifices, twice a day, 
viz. at morning, and evening, are for the obtaining ofthofe good things, 
which God the chief good, grants unto them, at thofe two times of the 

And in like manner, lofephus in his fecond book againft Apion 
faith, IVefacrifice, and pray unto the Lord, in thefrji place, for the 
whole world, for their profperity, and peace, andafterwards more par- 
ticularlyfor our f elves, forafmuch{as we conceive) that prayer which 
is very much acceptable unto God. Which words are alfo related by 
Eifehius Ccefareerifis, in his Prceparatio Evangelica, lib. 8. cap. 2. 

10. 'Tis true, that no outward materiall glories are perpetu- 
all ; and fo the temple had its period, and with the pafchall lamb, all 
other facrifices ceafed : But in their fl:ead, we have at this day 
prayer, and as Hofeah fpeaks Cap. 14. a. For bullocks, we render 

D a the 



the calves of our lips. And tliree times every dny, this is our hum- 
ble fupplication, and requeft to God, Fill the whole world, Lord, 
with thy lleJJiiigs;Jor all creatures are the works of thy hands; as it is 
written, the Lord is good to all, and his tender mercies are over all his 
works Pfal. 145. 9. 

II. Yea further, we pray for the coiiverfion of the nations, 
and fo we fay in thefe moft excellent prayers, upon Rof a fana 
and the day of attonement, Otir God, and the God of our Fathers, 
rei<rn thou over the whole world in thy glory; and be thou exalted over 
all the earth,inthine excellency; caufe thy influence to defcend upon all 
the inhabitants of the world, in the glorious majefiy of thy ftrength; 
and let every a'eature know that thou haft created him; and let every 
thing that is formed, underftand that thou hqfl formed it; and let all 
that have breath in their nq/irillsfay, the Lord God oflfrael reigneth, 
a7id his kingdome is over all dominions. And again. Let all theinhabi- 
tants of the earthknow, and fee,thatunto thee every knee shall bow, and 
every tongue fw ear; before thee, Lord our God, let them bow, and 
proftrate themf elves; let them give honour to the honour of thy name, 
arid let them all take upon them the yoak of thy kingdome, &c. And 
ao-ain, Piit thy fear, Lord, our God, upon all thy works, and thy 
dread upon all that thou haft created; let all thy works fear thee, and 
let allcreaturesbow downbefore thee and let them all make themf elves 
one handfull, (that is, with joynt confent) to do thy will with aper- 
feSi heart, Sec. A mofl worthy imitation of the wife King Solo- 
mon, who after he had finiflied the building of the Temple, in 
that long prayer King. i. 8. was not unmindfull of the Gentiles, 
but V. 41. he faith. Moreover, concerning aftr anger, that is not of thy 
people oflfrael, but cometh out ofafarre country, for thy names fake, 
for theyfhall hear of thy great name,andofthyftrong hand,andofthy 
Jlretched-out arm, when hefhall come, and pray towards this houfe, 
hear thou in heaven thy dwelling place, anddo accordingto all that the 
ftranger calleth to thee for, that all people of the earth may know thy 
name, to fear thee, as do the people oflfrael, and that they may know 
that thy name is called upon this hotife which I have builded. Where 
it may be obferved, that when the Ifraelite comes to pray, he 
faith, ag. and give every man accordijig to his wayes; but upon the 
prayer of a ftranger, he faith, and do according to all that the ftran- 


Jlranger calleth to thee for. And this diftinftion is made to this 
end, that by the evident, and apparent return, and anfwer of their 
prayers, all Gentiles might efFeftuaily be brought in to the 
truth, and knowledge, and fear of God, as well as the Ifra- 

12. Moreover, fince the holy prophets made prayers, and fup- 
plications for all men, as well for the nations, as the Ifraelites, 
how fhould not we do the fame, for the nations, among whom we 
inhabit, as ingaged by a more efpeciall obligation, for that we 
live under their favour and proteftion? In Deuteronomy 23. 7. 
God commands Thou shalt not abhorre an Egyptian, notwithftand- 
ing the heavy burthens they afflicSted us with, onely lecaufe thou 
waft a Jlranger in his land, becaufe that at the firfi:, they entertain- 
ed, and received us into their country. 

As on the- other fide, Ezek. 23. 11. he faith, ^s I live, faith the 
Lord God, I have no pleafure in the death of the wicked, lut that the 
wicked turn from his way and live. We ought therefore to imi- 
tate his aftions, and not to hate any man, upon the mere account 
of religion, but onely to pray to the Lord for his converfion ; 
and this alfo, without giving offence, or any kind of moleftation. 

rTo deleft, or abhorre thofe, to whom we owe that profperity 
which we enjoy, or who endeavour their own falvation, is a thing 

.very unworthy, and ill becoming; but to abhorre their vices, 
and fins, is not fo. It was a very excellent obfervation, of a moft 
wife, and vertuous Lady, Beruria, who (as it is recorded in the 
Talmud, Berachot cap. i. when her husband R. Meir was about to 
pray to God, to deftroy fome of his perverfe, and froward neigh- 
bours, that had no lefl"e grievoufly, then malicioufly vexed, and 
molefted him, gave him this feafonable admonition, that fuch a 
thing ought not to he done inlfrael; hut that he should rather make his 
prayer, that they might return, and Ireak off their finnes hy repentance, 
alledging that text, Pfal. 104. 35. hetfin he confumed out of the earth; 
it is not faid finners, but finnes ; and then the wicked shall he no 

13. We have now in this Seftion fhewn, that it is a mere calum- 
nie to imagine, that we lewes fhould pray to God, fo as to give an 
offence to the Chriftians, or caufe fcandall, by any thing in 

D 3 our 



our prayers, unlefle it be that we are not Chriftians, we have de- 
clared to the contrary, how we daily pray for them. As alfo that 
during the temple, we offered up facrifices, for nations confede- 
rate with us, and how all Emperours defired this. Yea, and we 
offered facrifices, not onely for particular princes, but for all 
mankind in general!. How, fince facrifices ceafed, with the tem- 
ple, we at this day, do the fame in our prayers, and how we be- 
feech God for their falvation, without giving any fcandall, or 
offence in refpeft of religion; and how we think our felves obli- 
ged to perform all this, by the facred Scripture. By all which 
layed together, I hope I have fufficiently evidenced the truth, 
of that I have afferted. 


BY confequence, the accufation of Buxtorphius, in his Biblio- 
theca Rabbinorum, can have no appearance of truth, concer- 
ning that which he puts upon us, viz. that we are blafphe- 
mers. I will fet down the Prayer it felf. 

"We are bound to praife the Lord of all things; to magnifie 
" him, who made the world, for that he hath not made us, as the 
" Nations of the earth ; nor hath he placed us as the families of 
" the earth ; nor hath he made our condition like unto theirs, nor 
"our lot, according to all their multitude. For they humble 
"themfelves to things of no worth, and vanity, and make their 
" prayers to gods that cannot fave them ; but we worfhip before 
"the King of kings, that is holy, and bleffed ; that ftretch- 
"ed forth the Heavens, and framed the Earth; the feat of his glo- 
" ry is in heaven above, and his divine ftrength in the higheft of 
"the Heavens; He is our God, and there is no other; He is tru- 
"ly, our King, and befides him, there is no other; as it is writ- 
"ten in the Law. And know this day, and return into thine own 
" heart, becaufe the Lord is God, in Heaven above, and upon the 
" Earth beneath, there is no other. 

Truly, in my opinion, it is a very fhort, and moft excellent 



prayer, and worthy of commendation. The Sultan Selim, 
that famous conquerour, and Emperour of the Mahumetans, 
made fo much account of it, that he commanded his Doftor Mo- 
fes Amon, (who tranflated the Pentateuch into the Jrahian and Per- 
Jian languages) that he fhould tranflate our prayers. And when 
he had delivered them to him in the Turkish Tongue, he faid to 
him, what need is there of fo long prayers ? truly this one might 
fuffice, he did fo highly efteem and value it. This is like an other 
prayer which was made at that time, viz. 

"Blefled be our God, who created us for his honour, and fe- 
" parated us from thofe that are in errours, and gave unto us a 
"Law of truth, and planted amongfl; us eternall life. Let him 
" open our hearts in his law, and put his love in our hearts, and 
"his fear, to do his will, and to ferve him with a perfeft heart, 
"that we may not labour in vain, nor be^et children of perdi- 
"tion. Let it be thy will, O Lord our God, and God of our Fa- 
" thers, that we may keep thy ftatutes, and thy laws in this world, 
"and may deferve, and live, and inherit well, and that we mavat- 
" tain the bleffing of the world to come, that fo we may fing 
" to thy honour, without ceaGng. O Lord my God, I will praife 
" thee for ever. 

But neither the one, uor the other is a llajphemy, or maledi- 
6lion againft any other Gods, for thefe reafons following. 

I. It is not the manner of the lewes by their law to curfe other 
gods by name, though they be of the Gentiles. So in Exod. 
cap. 22. 27. Thou, shalt not revile the Gods. Heb. mH^N, that is 
Gods, or God, as Philo \udcetis in lihro de Mo/iarchid,doth interpret, 
and not Judges, as Ojikeltis and Jonathan tranflate in their Chald. 
Paraphr. Where Philo addes this reafon, which is, lefl: they hearing 
their own Gods blafphemed, fhould in a revengefull way of reta- 
liation, blafpheme the true God of Ifrael. And we have examples 
enough, how the idolatrous heathen ufed to revile, and defame 
each others Gods, both in Cicero, and Juvenal. 

And in that fenfe Flavins Jofephus in his book written againft 
Apion, faith thefe words : " As it is our praAife to obferve our 
" own, and not to accufe, or revile others ; fo neither may we de- 
"ride, or blafpeeme thofe, which others account to be Gods. 

" Our 

" Our Law-giver plainly forbad us thatj by reafon of that com- 
"pellation, Gods. According to this, by our own religion, 
we dare not do that which Buxtorjius chargeth us with. And upon 
this account the Talmudifts tell us, that we ought to honour, and 
reverence, not onely the Kings of Ifrael, but all kings, princes, 
and governours, in generall, forafmuch as the holy Scripture gives 
them the ftile of gods, in refpedl of the dignity of their 

2. The time wherein thefe, as alfo the other prayers were com- 
pofed, and ordered, was in the dayes of Ezras, who, with i2o 
men, amongft whom were three Prophets, Haggai, Zechary, Mala- 
chy, compofed them, as we have it in the Talmud. Wherefore he 
cannot fay, that there is any thing intended againft honour, or 
reverence of Chrift, who was not born till many yeares after. 

Moreover, the lewes, fince that calumny was firft raifed, (thouh 
that was fpoken of the Gentiles, and their vain gods, humMing 
themf elves to things ofjio worth, and vanity) becaufe they defire to 
decline, and avoid the leafl: occafion of fcandall, and offence, have 
left off to print that line, and do not in fome books print any 
part thereof. As ]ohi Hoornheek alfo witnefTes, in his fore-men- 
tioned Prolegomena, and William Dorjiius, in his obfervations upon 
R. David Gawz, p. 269. and Buxtorf in his book oi Ahhreviatures. 
And perhaps it will be worthy our obfervation, that all thefe three 
witnefTes fay, that it was firfl made known to them, by one. Ant 0- 
nius Margarita, who was a lew, converted to the Chriftian faith. 
That this part of the prayer was intended Contra idola Papains, 
againft the Popish idols, which they therefore, as by a necefTary 
confequence, interpret, as againft Chrift; but how juftly, let the 
unprejudiced and unbiafed reader judge. 

3. If this be fo, how can it be thought, that in their Synagogues, 
they name him with fcornfull fpitting, ( farre be it from us.) 
The Nation of the lewes is wife, and ingenius. So faid the Lord, 
Deut. cap. 4. 6. The Nations Jhall fay, fur ely this is a wife, and an un- 
derjlanding people. Therefore, how can it be fuppofed, that they 
ftiould be fo bruitifh in a ftrange land, when their Religion de- 
pendeth not upon it? Certainly, it is much contrary to the pre- 
cept we fpake of, to fhew any refemblance of fcorn. There was 


never any fuch thing done, (as it is well known) in Italy, and 
Holland, where ordinarily the Synagogues are full of Ckrijiians ; 
which with great attention, fland confidering, and weighing all 
their afitions, and motions. And truly they fhould have found 
great occafion to find fault withall, if that were fo. But never was 
any man heard thus to calumniate us, where ever we dwell and in- 
habite, which is a reafon fufficiently valid, to clear us. Where- 
fore, I fuppofe, that I have fufficiently informed you, concerning 
our prayers, in which we purpofe nothing, but to praife God, and 
to ask fpirituall, and temporall bleffings, and by our fervice, 
and worftiip, implore the divine benevolence, protection, and 


BUt forafmuch as it is reported, that we draw, and feduce o- 
thers to our religion, ^c. 

I. Never unto this day, in any part hath this been fuf- 
pefted, where the \ewes are difperfed ; nor can it find place here. 
Truly, I have held friendfliip with many great men, and the wi- 
feft, and moft eminent of all Europe; and alfo they came to fee 
me, from many places, at my houfe, and I had many friendly dif- 
courfes with them, yet did not this give occafion to make us fuf- 
pefted of any fuch things. Yea, Gafpar Barleus, the Virgill of our 
time, and many others, have written many verfes in my commen- 
dations, which I mention not, for vain glory (farre be it) but for 
vindication of my innocent repute. 

a. By our rituall books we are clear of this feducing. For if any 
man offer to become a \ew, of what Nation foever he be, before we 
receive him, and admit him as a member of our Synagogue, we are 
bound to confider, whether he be moved by neceflity to do it, or 
if it be not for that he is in love with fome of our nation, or for 
any other worldly refpeft. And when we find no reafon to fufpeft 
him, we have yet another obligation upon us, which is, to let him 
know the penalties he fubjefts himfelf unto, if he breaketh the 

E Sab- 



Sabbath, or eateth bloudj or fat, which is forbidden Levil. 3. I'J. 
or difannulleth any precept of the Law, as may be feen in the 
Targum upon Ruth. And if he (hew himfelf conftant, and zealous, 
then is he admitted and protefted. Wherefore we do not feduce 
any one, but contrarily, avoid difputing with men, concerning 
rehgion, not for want of charity, but that we may as farre as it is 
poffible, avoid fcandall, and hate ; and for this caufe we refufe to 
circumcife them that come to us, becaufe we will give no offence. 
Yea, I have known fome, that for this caufe have circumcifed 
themfelves. And \i Ferdinand and Ifabella, King and Queen of Ca- 
ftile did make an order to expell the lewes, becaufe they feduced 
many Chriftians, and fome of the Nobility to become lewes, this 
was but a pretence, and colour for their tyrannyAnd onely, as it 
is well known, having no other thing to objeft againft us. Truly, 
I do much commend that opinion, not onely of Oforius, de rebus 
Immanuelis, but of our Flavins lofephus, the mofl: famous of all 
Hiftorians, which he relates in his hiftory of his own Life. 

" At that time ( faith he ) there came unto me, two Noble men, 
"of the Trachomiles, fubjefts of the king; bringing with them 
" horfemen, with arms, and money. Thefe, when the lewes would 
"compell to be circumcifed, if they would live amongft them; 
" I would not fuffer them to trouble them ; maintaining that eve- 
"ry man ought to ferve God, of his own freewill, and not be for- 
" ced thereto by others. For, fhould we do this thing ( faith he ) 
" it might make them repent, that ever they fled unto us. And fo 
" perfwading the multitude, I did abundantly afford unto thefe 
"men, their food, according to their diet. 

Truly, this was an aftion worthy of a noble, and wife man, and 
worthy of imitation, for defending common liberty, leaving the 
judgement, and determination to God alone. The Spanish In- 
quijitions, with all their torments, and cruelties, cannot make any 
lew, that falls into their power, become a Chri/lian. For unrea- 
fonable beafts are taught by blowes, but men are taught by rea- 
fon. Nor are men perfwaded to other opinions, by torments, but 
rather, on the contrary, they become more firm, and conftant in 
their Tenet. 




HAving thus difcufled the main exceptions, I will now pro- 
ceed to fmaller matters, though leffe pertaining to my fa- 
culty, that is to bufinefle of Merchandife. Some fay, that 
if the lewes come to dwell here, they will draw unto themfelves 
the whole Negotiation, to the great damage of the naturall Inha- 
bitants. I anfvver, that it hath been my opinion alwayes, ( with 
fubmiffion to better judgements) that it can be no prejudice at 
all to the Englifli Nation : becaufe, principally in tranfporting 
their goods, they would gain much, by reafon of the publick pay- 
ments of cuflomes, excife, <5'c. 

Moreover, they would alwayes bring profit to the people of the 
land, as well in buying of commodities, which they would tranf- 
port to other places, as in thofe they would trade in here. 
And if by accident, any particular perfon fhould lofe by it, by 
bringing down the price of fuch a commodity, being difperfed 
into many hands; yet by that means the Commonwealth would 
gain in buying cheaper, and procuring it at a lefler rate. 

Yea, great emolument would grow to the naturall Inhabitants, 
as well in the fale of all provifion, as in all things elfe that con- 
cern the ornaments of the body. Yea, and the native Mecha- 
nicks alfo would gain by it, ( there being rarely found among us, 
any man that ufeth any fuch art.) 

2. Adde to this, that as our nation hath failed into almoft all 
parts of the world, fo they are alwayes herein profitable to a na- 
tion, in a readinefle to give their opinions, in favour of the peo- 
ple amongft whom they live. Befide that, all ftrangers do bring 
in new merchandifes, together with the knowledge of thofe for- 
-reign Countries wherein they were born. 

And this is fo farre from damnifying the natives, that it con- 
duces much to their advantage; becaufe they bring from their 
countryes new commodities, with new knowledge. For the great 
Work-Mafter, and Creatour of all things, to the end, to make 

E 2 com- 



commerce in the earth, gave not to every place all things, but 
hath parted his benefits amongft them ; by which way, he hath 
made them all wanting the help of others. This may be feen in 
England, which being one of the moft plentifull countries that are 
in the world, yet wanteth divers things for shipping ; as alfo, wine, 
oy], figs, almonds, raifins, and all the drougs of India, things 
fo neceflary for the life of man. And befides, they want many o- 
ther commodities, which are abundant in other countries, with 
more knowledge of them ; though it be true, that in my opinion, 
there is not in the world, a more underftanding people, for moft 
Navigations, and more capable of all Negotiation, then the En- 
glish Nation are. 

3. Farther, there may be companies made of the natives, and 
ftrangers, (where they are more acquainted) or elfe Faftors. All 
which, if I be not deceived, will amount to the profit of the na- 
tives. For which, many reafons may be brought, though I can- 
not comprehend them, having alwayes lived a fedentary life, ap- 
plying my felf to my ftudies, which are farre remote from things 
of that nature. 

4. Nor can it be juftly objeAed againft our Nation, that they 
are deceivers ; becaufe the generality cannot in any rationall way, 
be condemned for fome particulars. I cannot excufe them all, 
nor do I think, but there may be fome deceivers amongft them, 
as well as amongft ail other nations and people, becaufe poverty 
bringeth bafenefle along with it. 

5. But if we look to that which we ought by our Religi- 
on, the morall precept of the Decalogue, Thou shall notjleal, it 
belongs in common to all lewes, towards all Gentiles. As may be 
feen in Rab. Mofes of Egypt, Tra6t, Geneha, cap. i. and Gazela. 
cap. I. It is ajinne, (faith he) to rob any man, though he he a Gentile. 
Nor can that be alledged out of the facred Hiftory, concerning 
the Jewells and houfhold ftuff, of which the Israelites fpoiled the 
Egyptians, as I have heard it fometimes alledged by fome, to fome 
men; becaufe that was a particular difpenfation, and a divine pre- 
cept for that time. So it is recorded in the Talmud, in the Tra6i of 
the Sanhedrim, cap. 11. that in the time oi Alexander the great, 
thofe of Alexandria accufed the lewes for being thieves, and they 


demanded reftitutioii of their goods. But Guebia Ben Pefria an- 
fwered them, our Fathers went down into Egypt but feventy fouls, 
there they grew a numerous nation, above 60000. and ferved 
them in bafe offices, for the fpace of aio yeares, according to 
this, pay us for our labour, and make the accounts even, and you 
fhall fee you are yet much in our debt. The reafon fatisfied Alex- 
ander, and he acquitted them. 

6. By confequence, the lewes are bound not to defraud, nor 
abufe in their accounts, negotiation, or reckonings, any man 
whatfoever, as it may be feen exprefly in R. Mofes of Egypt, and 
R. Mofeh de Kofi in Samag. 

7. Yea, they farther fay, that by reftitutions, there is a refult 
to the praife of God, and the facred Law. whence that holy, and 
wife man, R. Simeon Ben Satah, having bought an afle of a Gentile, 
the head flail whereof was a Jewell of great value, which the owner 
knew not of, afterwards he found it, and freely, and for nothing, 
he reflored it to the feller, that knew not of it, faying, I bought 
the afle, but not the Jewell. Whence there did accrue honour to 
God, and his Law, and to the nation of the lewes, as Midras Raha 
reports in Parafot Hekel. 

8. After the fame manner they command, that the oath which 
they fhall make to any other nation, mufl: be with truth, and ju- 
flice, and muft be kept in every particular. And for proof there- 
of, they quote the hiftory of Zedekias, whom God puniflied, and 
deprived of his kingdome, becaufe he kept not his word, and 
oath, made to Neluchadnezzar, in the name of God, though he were a 
Gentile, as it is faid, 2, of Chronicles, cup. ^6.1^. And he alfo rebelled 
againfi Nebuchadnezzar, who made himfwear by God. 

9. Thefe are the laws and obligations which the lewes hold. 
So that the Law that forbids the lewes to kill any Gentiles, forbids 
them alfo tofteal from them. Yet every one mufl: look to it, for 
the world is full of fraud in all Nations. I remember a pretty fto- 
ry of what pafled in Morocco, in the Court of the king of Mauri- 
tania. There was a lew that had a fort of falfe ftones, &c. — He 
making a truck with a Portugal Chriflian, for fome Verdigreafe 
that he had, which was much fofifticated, ( as they are wont to 
do there) being all falfified with Earth; one of the Portugals friends 

E 3 laughed 


laughed at him, faying, the lew fitted thee well ; he anfwered, If 
the lew hath ftoned me, I have buried him. And fo they ordina- 
rily mock one another. 

This I can affirm, that many of the \ewes, becaufe they would 
not break with other mens goods, were very poor at Amfterdam, 
lived very poorly, and thofe that did break with other mens goods 
by neceflity, became fo much the more miferable, that they were 
forced to live on almes. 

And whereas in the time of K. Edward i. the lewes were accu- 
fed of clipping the Kings coin ; it appears that this accufation 
drew its original! mainly from the fufpicion and hatred the Chri- 
ftians bare againft the \ewes, as appeares in the ftory, as it is fet 
forth by Mr. Prynne, \n his fecond part of a Short Demurrer to the 
lewes &c. p. 82. where quoting Clauf. 7. E. i. n. 7. Define recipi- 
endo a ludceis, brings in the King, writing to his Judges in Latine, 
in thefewords. Rexdile6iis,&JidelibusfuisSttpha.nodePentece{ieT, 
Waltero de Helyn. (S'Th. de Cobham liifticiariis ad placita traiif- 
grejjionis monetcB audienda, falutem. Quia omnes Judaei nuper rec- 
tati, & per certamfufpicionem indiSiati de retonfura monetcB nqjlrce, 
&■ inde conviSli aim ultimo fupplicio puniuntur ; & quidam eorum 
eadem occajione, omnia bona, & catalla fua fatisfecerunt, &• inprij- 
ona nq/ira liberalantur, in eadem ad voluntatem nqfiram detiiiendi. 
Et cum accepimus, quod plures Chrijiiani ob ODIFM Judseorum, 
propter difcrepantiamjidei Chri/iiance, & ritus Judaeorum, &• diverfa 
gratia minus per ipfosjudseos Chri/iianis haSienus illata,poJlquam]\i- 
dceos nondum reSialos in indiSiatos de tranfgrefsione monetcz, per 
levas, & voluntarias accufationes accufare, & indiSiare de die in diem 
nituntur, & proponunt, imponendas eis ad terrorem ipforum, quod 
de ejufmodi tranfgrejjione culpabiles exi/iimt fuper ipfos Judaeos 
faciendiE, &Jic per minas hujufmodi accufationis, ipjis Judaeos metu 
incutiant, & pecuniam extorqueant ab eijdem; Ita quod ipji Judaei 
fuper hoc, ad legem fuamfcspe ponu?itur in vitee face periculum mani- 
feflum. Folumusquod omreei Judaei qui ante primum diem Mali proxi- 
mo prceterit, indiSiati, vel per certamfufpicionem re6lati nonfuerunt 
de tranfgrefsione monetce prediSies, & qui facer e voluerintjinemjuxta 
difcretionem Fejiram,ad opusnofirumfacere pro fie, quod nonoccafior- 
entur, &c. hujufmodi tranfgrefsionibusfaSiis ante primum diem Maii 


propternovas accufationes Chriftianorum pq/i eundem diem indefaBas 
71071 molestentur, fed pacem inde haheant infuturum. Provijo, quod 
Judaei iiidictati,velpercertamfufpicionem,re&:ati delmjufmodi tranf- 
grefsione ante prcBdi&um diem Maii, ludicium fuleant coram vobis, 
juxtaformam prius inde ordiTiatam & provijam. Et idea volts mane- 
amus, quod fines hujufmodi capiatis, & pramiffa Heri, & olfervari 
faciatis 171 forma pmdiSio. Teste Rege apud Cantuar. 8. die Maii. 


ANd now by this time, I prefume (moft noble Sir) I may have 
given abundant satisfaftion, (fo farre as the nature of an 
epiftle will permit) to all your objeftions, without gi- 
ving juft ground of offence, or fcandall to any. And forafmuch 
as you are further defirous to know fomewhat, concerning the 
ftate of this my expedition, and negotiation at prefent, I fhall 
now onely fay, and that briefly, that the communication and cor- 
refpondence I have held, for fome yeares fince, with fome eminent 
perfons of England, was the firft originall of my undertaking this 
defign. For I alwayes found by them, a great probability of ob- 
taining what I now requefi: ; whiift they affirmed, that at this time 
the minds of men flood very well affefted towards us; and that 
our entrance into this Ifland, would be very acceptable, and well- 
pleafing unto them. And from this beginning fprang up in me a 
iiemblable affeftion, and defire of obtaining this purpofe. For, 
for feven yeares on this behalf, I have endeavoured, and follici- 
ted it, by letters, and other means, without any intervall. For I 
conceived, that our univerfall difperfion was a neceffary circum- 
ftance, to be fulfilled, before all that fhall be accompliflied which 
the Lord hath promifed to the people of the lewes, concerning 
their reftauration, and their returning again into their own land, 
according to thofe words Daw.i a. 7. When he shall have accomplished 
tofcatterthepowerofthe holy people, all thefe things shall be finished. 
As alfo, that this our fcattering, by little, and little, fliould be a- 
mongft all people, from iheoneend of the earth even unto the other; as 
it is written Deut. 38. 64. 1 conceived that by the end of the earth 
might be underftood this I/land. And I knew not, but that the 


Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have defign'd, 
and made choice of me, for the bringing about this work. With 
thefe propofalis therefore, I applyed my felf, in all zealous afFe- 
ftion to the English Nation, congratulating their glorious liberty 
which at this day they enjoy, together with their profperous 
peace. And I entituled my book named The hope of Ifrael, to the 
firft Parliament, and the Council of State. And withall decla- 
red my intentions. In order to which they fent me a very favour- 
able paffe-port. Afterwards I directed my felf to the fecond, and 
they alfo fent me another. But at that junfture of time my co- 
ming was not prefently performed, for that my kindred and 
friends, confidering the checquered, and interwoven viciffitudes, 
and turns of things here below, embracing me, with preffing im- 
portunity, earneftly requefted me not to part from them, and 
would not give over, till their love conftrained me to promife, 
that I would yet a while ftay with them. But notwithftanding all 
this, I could not be at quiet in my mind, ( I know not but that it 
/" might be through fome particular divine providence) till I had 
anew made my humble addrefles to his Highnefle the Lord Pro- 
testor (whom God preferve.) And finding that my coming over 
would not be altogether unwelcome to him, with thofe great 
hopes which I conceived, I joyfully took my leave of my houfe, 
my friends, my kindred, all my advantages there, and the coun- 
try wherein I have lived all my life time, under the benign prote- 
£tion, and favour of the Lords, >the States Generall, and Magi- 
ftrates oi Am/ierdam ; in fine (I fay) I parted with them all, and 
took my voyage for England. Where, after my arrivall, being ve- 
ry courteoufly received, and treated with much refpeft, I prefent- 
ed to his moft Serene Highnefle, a petition, and fome defires, 
which for the mofl; part, were written to me by my brethren the 
letues, from feverall parts of Europe, as your worlhip may better 
underflrand by former relations. Whereupon it pleafed his High- 
nefl^e to convene an Aflembly at Whitehall, of Divines, Lawyers, 
and Merchants, of different perfwafions, and opinions. Whereby 
mens judgements, and fentences were different. Infomuch, that 
as yet, we have had no finall determination from his mofl Serene 
Highneffe. Wherefore thofe few Zetfes that were here, defpairing 



of our expefted fuccefle, departed hence. And others who defi- 
red to come hither, have quitted their hopes, and betaken them- 
felves fome to Italy, forae to Geneva, where that Commonwealth 
hath at this time, moft freely granted them many, and great pri- 

Now, O moft high God, to thee I make my prayer, even to 
thee, the God of our Fathers, Thou who haft been pleafed to ftile 
thy felf the keeper of Ifrael; Thou who haft gracioufly promifed, 
by thy holy Prophet /eremiaA, ( cap. 31. ) that thou wilt not caji off 
all the feed of Ifrael, for all the evill that they have done ; thou who 
by fo many ftupendious miracles, didft bring thy people out of £- 
gypt, the land of bondage, and didft lead them into the holy land; 
gracioufly caufe thy holy influence to defcend down into the 
mind of the Prince, ( who for no private intereft, or refpefl: at all, 
but onely out of commiferation .l Q_aat_afflictiQn. hath inclined 
himfelf to proteft, and flielter us, for which extraordinary hu- 
manity, neither I my felf, nor my nation, can ever expeft to be a- 
ble to render him anfwerable, and fufficient thanks,) and alfo into 
the minds of his moft illuftrious and prudent Council, that they 
may determine that, which according to thine infinite wifdome, 
may be beft, and moft expedient for us. For men ( O Lord ) fee 
that which is prefent, but thou in thy omnifciencie feeft that 
which is afarre off". 

And to the highly honoured nation of England, I make my moft 
humble requeft, that they would read over my arguments impar- 
tially, without prejudice, and devoid of all paflion, effeftually 
recommending me to their grace and favour, and earneftly be- 
feeching God that he would be pleafed to haften the time promi- 
fed by Zephaniah, wherein we ftiall all ferve him with one confent, 
after the fame manner, and fliall be all of the fame judgement, that 
as his name is one, fo his fear may be alfo one, and that we may all 
fee the goodnefle of the Lord, blefled for ever, and the confolatir 
ons of Zion. Amen, and Amen. 

From my ftudy, in London, April the 10, in the year from the cre- 
ation 5416, and in the year, according to the vulgar ac- 
count, 1656. 

F As 



As to give fatisfaftion to your worfliip, being defirous to 
know what books have been written, and printed by me, or elfe 
are almoft ready for the prefle, may you pleafe to take the names 
of them in this Catalogue. 

A Catalogue offuch looks as have been published by Menafleh Ben 
Ifrael, in Hebrew. 

Nlfmachaim, four Books, concerning the Immortality of the 
foul, wherein many notable, and pleafant Queflions are 
difcuffed, and handled, as may be feen by the Arguments 
of the particular Chapters, prefixed to the book, in Latine, dedi- 
cated to the then Emperour Ferdinand the third. 

Pene Rahba, upon Rabot, of the Ancient Rabbins, in Latine and 

Conciliatoris pars prima in Pentateuchum. 
De RefurreSiione mortuorum libri tres. 
Problemata de creatione. 
De termino vitce. 

Defragilitate Humana, ex lapfu Adami, deque divino in bono opere 

Spes Ifraelis. This is alfo in Englifh. 

Orationes panegyricce, quarum una ad Illuftrifsimum princi- 
pem, Aurantium, altera ad ferenifsimam reginam Sueciorum, in 
Spanish onely. 

C the fecond part, upon the firft Prophets. 
Conciliator -l the third part, upon the later Prophets, 
(.the fourth part upon the Hagiographa. 
Humas, or the Pentateuch, with the feverall precepts in the mar- 

Theforo de los dirim five books of the rites and ceremonies of 
the lewes, in two Volumes. 

Humas the Pentateuch, with a commentarie. 
Piedra pretiofa, of Nebuchadnezzar's image, or the fifth Monar- 

Laus orationes del anno, the lewes prayers for the whole year, 
tranflated out of the originall. 



Books ready for the Prefle. 

De cultu Imaginum contra Pontificios Latine, 

Sermois, Sermons in the Portugal tongue. 

Loci communes Omnium Midrafim, which contains the divinity of 
the ancient Rabbins, in Hebrew. 

Bihliotkeca Rahhinica, together with the arguments of their 
books, and my judgement upon their feverall editions. 

Phocylides in Spanish verfe ciim Notis. 

Hippocratis Aphorifmi in Hebrew. 

Flaviuslofephus adverfus Apionem,m Hebrew, ejufdemMonarchia 
rationis in Hebrew. 

Refutatio libri cut titulus Pr<eadainitce, 

Hiftoriafive continuatio Flavii Jofephi ad hcec ufque tempora. 

De divinitate legis Mofaicce, 

De fcientia Talmudi/iarum, in Jlngulis facultatibus. 

Philofophia Rabbinica. 

De disciplinis Rabbinorum. 

Nomenclator Hebraius & Arabiais. 

I have alfo publiftied, and printed, wfith my own preffe, above 
60 other books, amongft which are many bibles in Hebrew, and 
Spanish, with all our Hebrew prayers correfted, and difpofed in 
Kood order. 

F I U^I S. 



(P=page; l=lme) 

(Frontispiece, and pp. i and 105) 

PococK, in his biographical introduction to the English translation of 
Menasseh ben Israel's "De Termino Vitas" (Lond., 1700), gives the 
following pen-picture of the author derived from the recollections of 
English Jews who remembered the days of the Whitehall Conferences : — 

" He was of middle stature and inclining to fatness. He always used his 
own hair, which (many years before his death) was very grey ; so that his 
complexion being pretty fresh, his demeanour graceful and comely, his habit 
plain and decent, he commanded an awful reverence which was partly due to 
so venerable a deportment. In short, he was un iomme sans passion, sans 
legierete, mats helas ! sans opulence" (p. viii). 

This description agrees with the portraits of Menasseh. Three of 
these portraits are extant. Two of them are by Rembrandt, and one is 
by a Jewish line-engraver, Salom Italia. Curiously enough, although far 
inferior in artistic merit to the Rembrandts as a portrait, Menasseh prized 
the Italia engraving highest. He sent a copy to the Silesian mystic 
Frankenberg in 1643, and he writes in the Bonum Nuncium Israeli : — 

" Abr. a Frankenberg. . . . effigiem meam, aeri incisam raisissem, ubi 
ad symbolum meum Perigrinando Quarimus, cui ab uno latere Hominis 
Peregrinantis, ab altero candelse embleraa adscriptum cum hoc dicterio 
TOrt ■'hi-b -1: sic praefatur" (p. 92). 

The shield in the left-hand comer of this portrait was used by Men- 
asseh as a trade-mark in his printing-office. It has for this reason been 
reproduced on the title-page of the present work. Salom Italia's portrait is 
often found bound up with the first Latin version of the "Hope of Israel," 
and was roughly copied in the Spanish edition published at Madrid in 1881. 

Rembrandt belonged to the distinguished circle of Menasseh' s personal 
friends. He illustrated the Piedra Gloriosa published by Menasseh in 1655, 
and he etched one portrait of the Rabbi, and painted another. The 
etching, of which a mezzotinted reproduction is presented on the frontis- 
piece of the present work, was produced in 1636 when Menasseh was 

(149) G 


thirty-two years old. Tiie painted portrait which is in the Hermitage at 
St. Petersburg is of doubtful authenticity as relating to Menasseh, but I am 
inclined to regard it as genuine. It represents the Rabbi at a much more 
advanced age than the etching. The grey hair agrees with Pocock's de- 
scription of his appearance in 1656, while the sorrowful expression and full 
beard may be accounted for by his troubled experiences in London, and 
especially by the death of his son. When he returned to Middleburg in 
1657, he was mourning for his son, and hence his beard would be unshaved. 
It is not at all improbable that Rembrandt, his old friend of twenty years, 
saw him at this tragical moment, and that the portrait is a reminiscence of 
the prematurely aged and broken-hearted Rabbi, then tottering on the verge 
of the grave. 


(pp. 1-72) 

Bibliographical Note 
The title is taken from Jeremiah xiv. 8 (see p. 7). 

The first edition (pp. xiii, 126, izmo) was in Spanish, and bore the 
following title : — 

^XX'* rTipIO / ^^'^ ^'' / Esperanga / de Israel./ Obra con suma 
curiosidad conpuesta / por / Menasseh Ben Israel / Theologo, y Philosopho 
Hebreo./ Trata del admirable esparzimiento de los diez / Tribus, y su 
infalible reduccion con los de / mas, a la patria : con muchos puntos, / y 
Historias curiosas, y declara- / cion de varias Prophecias, / por el Author 
rectamen- / te interpretadas./ Dirigido a los senores Parnassim del K.K. / 
de Talmvd Tora./ En Amsterdam./ En la Imprension de / Semvel Ben 
Israel Soeiro./ Ano. 5 410. 

It was dedicated to the Wardens of the Theological School (Talmud 
Torah), Josseph Da Costa, Ishak Jessurun, Michael Espinosa, Abraham 
Enriques Faro, Gabriel de Rivas Altas, Ishak Belmonte, and Abraham 
Franco. The dedication is dated Shebat 13, 5410 [ = Jan. 15, 1650], 
and is headed with the significant quotation in Hebrew of part of verse i 
of Isaiah Ixi. : " To preach good tidings unto the meek ; he hath sent me 
to bind up the broken-hearted." This dedicatory epistle is only to be 
found in the Spanish edition. In the Latin and English translations it 
is replaced by an address " To the Parliament, the Supream Court of 

The Latin edition (pp. xii, ill, 12 mo), which was printed very shortly 
after the Spanish, bore the following title : — 

^KltJ''' nipD / Hoc est, / Spes / Israelis / Authore / Menasseh Ben 
Israel / Theologo ?c Philosopho Hebraeo / Amstelodami / Anno 1650. 



It is doubtful whether Kayserling (Misc. Heb. Lit., ii. p. i6 and 
note 76), following Castro, is correct in his conjecture that this translation 
is the work of Menasseh himself. There are too many misunderstandings 
of the Hebrew names and quotations to admit of this viev/. The de- 
viations from the original suggest that it was hurriedly executed from a 
first draft of the Spanish version, which was afterwards revised by the 
author, who omitted to perform the same service for tlie Latin text. 

The English version (pp. xiv, 90, i2mo) was based on the Latin, and 
reproduced all its faults. It appeared in London towards the end of 1650. 
The title-page runs as follows : — 

The / Hope of Israel : / Written / By Menasseh Ben Israel, / an 
Hebrew Divine, and Philosopher./ Newly extant, and Printed in / 
Amsterdam, and Dedicated by the / Author to the High Court, the / 
Parliament of England, and to the / Councell of State./ Translated into 
English, and / published by Authority./ In this treatise is shewed the 
place where the ten / Tribes at this present are, proved, partly by / the 
strange relation of one Antony Monte- / zinus, a Jew, of what befell him 
as he tra- / veiled over the Mountaines Cordillasre, with / divers other 
particulars about the restoration of / the_ Jewes, and the time when./ 
Printed at London by R. I. for Hannah Allen, / at the Crown in Popes- 
head / Alley, 1650. 

The only respect in which this version differs from the Latin is that it 
contains on pp. xi-xiv an address from " The Translator to the Reader. 
The name of the translator is not given, but the work was subsequently 
acknowledged by Moses Wall in a correspondence with E. S. (Sir Edward 
Spencer) ; see pp. 66-72. 

A second edition, " corrected and amended," sm. 4to, was published 
in 165 1 and reprinted in 1652. It is the latter which is reproduced in the 
present volume on account of its convenient format, and of the Appendices 
which throw light on the motives by which the publication in England 
was actuated. 

The following is a list of other editions and translations : — 

1659. Spanish by Jedidjah Ibn Gabbai (Smyrna). 

1666. Dutch by Jan Bara (Amsterdam). 

1 69 1. Judeo- German by Mardochai ben Moses Drucker (Amster- 

1697. Hebrew by Eljakim ben Jacob (Amsterdam). 

1703. Ibid. 

1712. Judeo-German (Frankfort) reprint of 169 1 edition. 

1723. Spanish (Amsterdam) reprint of original edition. 

1792. English by Robert Ingram (Colchester). 

1836. Hebrew (Wilna) reprint of 1703 edition. 

1850. English (London) reprint of 1650 edition. 

1 88 1. Spanish, by Santiago Perez Junquera (Madrid), reprint of 
original edition. 



The Epistle Dedicatory 

P. 4, 1. 9. " Not onely by your prayers." This, no doubt, refers to the 
protection extended by the Government to the Marranos in 
London. (See Introduction, p. xxx.) 

To THE Courteous Reader 

P. 6, 1. 21. ^'Others to the Ten Tribes." There is a very voluminous 
literature of the Ten Tribes, a bibliography of which has long been 
promised by Mr. Joseph Jacobs. Bancroft in his " Native Races of 
the Pacific States of North America " discusses the theory of the 
Hebrew origin of the Americans (vol. v. pp. 77-95). Santiago 
Perez Junquera in his Spanish reprint of " Esperanza de Israel " 
gives a bibliography of Spanish writers who have dealt with the 
problem of the Ten Tribes. The Jewish legends on the subject, 
none of which admit the American theory, have been summarised 
by Dr. A. Neubauer in the Jewish Quarterly Revietu (vol. i. pp. 14, 
95, 185, 408). See also M. Lewin, "Wo waren die Zehn Stiimme 
Israels zu suchen " (1901). 

The following selections from the vast literature of the Ten Tribes, 
especially in its relation to Menasseh ben Israel, may be recommended to 
investigators of this curious craze : — 

Enquiries touching the Diversity of Languages and Religions through the 

chief parts of the world, written by Edw. Brerewood. London, 1635. 
Thos. Thorowgood — Jews in America, &c. 1650. 
John Dury — Epistolary Discourse to Mr. Thomas Thorowgood. 1650. 
Sir Hamon L'Estrange — Aniericans no Jews. 1652. 
Thos. Thorowgood— Jews in America [^with] an accurate discourse 

[by] Mr. John Eliot. t66o. 
Theophili Spizelii — Elevatio Relationis Montezinianas de repertis in 

America tribubus Israeliticis. Basle, 1661. 
Account of the Ten Tribes of Israel being in America, originally 

published by Menasseh Ben Israel, with observations thereon. By 

Robert Ingram, M.A. Colchester, 1792. 
The Ten Tribes of Israel historically identified with the aborigines of 

the Western Hemisphere. By Mrs. Simon. London, 1826. 
The Hope of Israel, presumptive evidence that the aborigines of the 

Western Hemisphere are descended from the ten missing tribes of 

Israel. By Barbara Anne Simon. London, 1829. 
The Remnant Found, or the place of Israel's hiding discovered, being 

a summary of proofs showing that the Jews of Daghistan on the 

Caspian Sea are the remnant of the Ten Tribes. By the Rev. 

Jacob Samuel. London, 1841. 



The Thorn Tree, being a history of thorn worship of the Twelve 
Tribes of Israel, but more especially of the Lost Tribes and House 
of David. By Theta. London, 1863. 

Falaorama. Oceanisch-Amerikanische Untersuchungen und Aufklarun- 
gen. Erlangen, 1868. 

Ireland, Ur of the Chaldees. By Anna Wilkes. London, 1873. 

Ueber die Abstammung der Englischen Nation. Von D. Paulus 
Cassel. Berlin, 1880. 

P. 6, 1. 29. " Cordillerit," Spanish. A mountain chain, sometimes, as 
here, applied in a specific sense to the Andes. 

P. 6, 1. 32. "The Sabbatkall River," or Sambation, a river mentioned 
in the Midrash as flowing during the first six days of every week and 
drying up on the Sabbath. (Neubauer, " G6ographie du Talmud," 
pp. 33-34> 299; Hamburger, " Real-Encyclopadie des Juden- 
thums," vol. H. p. 1071 ; see also "Hope of Israel," infra, p. 35.) 

P. 7, 1. 15. "/ intend a continuation of Josephus." No trace of this 
work has been found. From a passage in the Vindiciie there is 
reason to believe that it it was completed in MS. (see p. 115 and 
note thereon, infra, p. 167). 

The Relation of Antony Montezinus 

P. 1 1 . An earlier translation of this affidavit was published by Thomas 
Thorowgood in "Jewes in America," pp. 129, 130. (See Intro- 
duction to present work, p. xxv. ) 

P. 1 1, 1. 13. " Port Honda," now Bahia Honda, an inlet at the north- 
eastern extremity of Colombia, in 12° 20' N. and 50° W. It was 
first visited by Ojeda in 1502, and named by him Puerto de Santa 
Cruz. There is a town named Honda in the interior, and a bay of the 
same name on the northern coast of Cuba, 60 miles west of Havana. 

P. 11,1. 15. "Province of Quity," modern Quito, originally a presi- 
dency of the Spanish viceroyalty of Peru, afterwards a division of the 
Republic of Colombia, and in 1831 organised with thedistrictsof Asuay 
and Guayaquil into a new republic, under the name of Ecuador. 

P. 11,1. 17. " Cazicus," modern Cacique or Cazique, used in Spanish to 
designate an Indian chief. The word is of Haytian origin. An 
early Spanish writer derives it from the Hebrew. (Kayserling, 
" Christopher Columbus," p. 154.) 

P. II, 1. 29. " Joniets," junket, from Italian giuncata, a cream-cheese, 
so called because served on rushes [giuncoa — a rush): 

" And beare with you, both wine aai jumates fit 
And bid him eat." 

— Spenser, F. Q,., V. iv. 49. 
" With stories told of many a feat, 
How faery Mab thejuniets eat." 

— Milton, L' Allegro, jyz. 



p. 12, 1. 3. " Carthagenia" : modern Cartagena, a fortified maritime 
city of the United States of Colombia, on the Caribbean Sea. 

P. 12, 1. 5. " Blessed be the name of the Lord that hath not made me an 
Idolator, a Barbarian, a Black-a- Moore, or an Indian." This is an 
extension of a blessing said in the Hebrew morning service. The 
original blessing, however, only speaks of " idolator." There is 
another blessing said on seeing "negroes and redskins," and this, 
curiously enough, is discussed in the same section of the Talmud as 
that in which the recital of the blessing in regard to heathens is 
enjoined (see Schwab, " Le Talmud," vol. i. p. 158). 

P. 13,1. 17. '■' Duerus" : the river Douro or Duero in Spain. Mr. 
Wall does not seem to have taken the trouble to delatinise the 
name. In the Spanish edition it appears, of course, " Duero." 

P. 13, 1.18. " Making a sign luith the Jine linen of Xylus." This is a 
misunderstanding of the original Latin, which says, "factoque ex 
duabus Xyli syndonibus." The word "Xyli" here is intended for 
the genitive of Xylon = cotton. The passage should read, "and 
making out of two pieces of cotton cloth." The original Spanish 
says, " y haziendo vandera de dos panos de algodon." What 
Montezinos and his companion did was to construct a flag out of 
their two cotton waistbands. 

P, 14, 1. I. Curious mistake overlooking the identity of Jacob and 

P. 14, 1. 22. " Mohanes ": American-Indian medicine men. (See 
infra, p. 56.) 

The Hope of Israel 

P. 17, 1. 21. For Jewish aspects of the early voyages to America see 
Kayserling, " Christopher Columbus, and the participation of the 
Jews in the Spanish and Portuguese discoveries" (Lond., 1894); 
also the same author's " The First Jew in America," in the John 
Hopkins University Studies for 1892. 

P. 18, 1. 32. " Gomoras" = Francisco Lopez de Gomara. 

P. 18, 1. 18. "Tunes" = Tnms. 

P. 18, 1. 22. "Isaac Abarbanel," Jewish statesman and theologian 
(1437-1509), served Alphonso V. of Portugal, Isabella of Spain, 
and Ferdinand of Naples ; author of numerous Bible commentaries 
and philosophical essays. Headed the emigration of the Spanish 
Jews at the time of the expulsion (Graetz, Geschichte d. Juden, 
vol. viii. pp. 316 et seq. ; Kayserling, Juden in Portugal, pp. 72, 
100). The Abarbanels, whose descendants are numerous in 
Europe, claimed descent from King David. Menasseh ben Israel's 
wife was an Abarbanel (see "Hope of Israel," p. 39). Mr. 
Coningsby Disraeli is a descendant on his mother's side. 


p. 19, 1. 30. "Rabbi Jonathan ben U%ieL" The author of a free 
Aramaic paraphrase (Targum) to the Hebrew Prophetical Books. 
His date is about the beginning of the Christian era. A Targum to 
the Pentateuch is wrongly ascribed to him; this is properly the 
Targum Yerushalmi or Jerusalem Targum (see Zunz, "Die Got- 
tesdienstlichen Vortrage der Juden," pp. 66 seq.). 

■f- I9> '• 33- '■'■ Ralb'mus Josephus Coen in his Chronology'" (see Bial- 
loblotzky, " The Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Meir the Sphardi," 
Lond., 1835). Joseph Cohen was born 1496 and died 1575. 

P. 2 1, Sect. 4. The Hebrew in the first case is ^^ y^ p^ n^^j;,^, ^^ ^^ ^y, 
the t3 in the second word being regarded as a mistake for n- In 
the second case the Hebrew is ^xV^nD p W^' ^X2DnD (see 
" Esperanga de Israel," pp. 26, 27). 

P. 21, 1. 32. " Co&; " = Callao. 

P. 22, 1. 7. " Petrus Ciexa" = ?ti:o Ciega de Leon. 

P. 22, 1. 8. " Guamanga" : modern Ayacucho. 

P. 23, 1. 30. " Garracaj " = Caracas. 

P. 24, ]. 9. " Alonsus de Erzilla " = Alonzo d'Ercilla y Zuiiiga 
(1530-1595). The quotation is from "La Araucana," the 
most famous of Spanish Epics. 

P. 24, 1. 27. " Maragnon " = Maranon, another name for the Amazon. 

P. 24, 1. 35. " /arnijm^ac " = Pernambuco. 

P. 26, 1. 14. "The Isle of Solomon and Hierusalem" — Mendaiia landed 
on Isabel Island in 1 568, and named the group Solomon, and Bougain- 
ville rediscovered the islands in 1768. H. B. Guppy, "The 
Solomon Islands and their Natives" (Lond. 1887). C. M. Wood 
in "Proceedings R. Geog. Soc," 1888, pp. 351-76, and 1890, 
pp. 394-418, with map (p. 444), on which are given the original 
Spanish as well as the modern names of the islands. 

P. 28, 1. 7. " To this day they privately keep their Religion." The Mar- 
ranos. See supra, pp. xii— xiv. 

P. 29, 1. 9. " My Reconciler." " Conciliador " Segda Parte. Amster- 
dam, 1641. This work was translated into Latin by Vossius 
(1687), and into English by Lindo (1842). 

P. 29, Sect. 16. A bibliography of the Jews in China has been published 
in French by Henri Cordier. A useful summary of our know- 
ledge of the Hebrew Settlements in China, brought down to the 
most recent date, has been written by Mr. Marcus Adler (Jeiv. 
Quart. Rev., vol. xiii. pp. 18-41). 

P. 33, 1. 20. "David the Reubenite." David Reubeni, an Oriental 
Jew, who visited Europe in 1524, alleging himself to be an envoy 
from the Ten Tribes. He was received with distinction by the 
Pope and the King of Portugal, and made a great commotion among 
the Marranos and Jews (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 244 
et sea. ) . 



p. 33, 1. 23. "Selomoh Mohho." A Mairano disciple of David 
Reubeni. His name was originally Diogo Pires. He migrated to 
the East and became a learned Cabbalist. He died a martyr's death 
in 1532 (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 251 et seq.). 

P. 33, 1. 30. "Abraham Frisol Orchotolam." A mistranslation for 
Abraham Frisol in his book entitled, " Orhat Olam." Abraham 
Farisol or Peretsol (1451-1525) was a Hebrew geographer, author 
of "Orchat Olam" (The Path of the Universe), which was edited 
with a Latin translation by Thomas Hyde (Oxford, 1691). For 
life of Farisol see Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 46 et seq. 

P. 33, 1. 38. "The Hebreiu letter (A) and (/) are neere in fashion." 
The letters referred to are H and H. 

P- 33> '• 39- " EUad Danita." Eldad the Danite lived in the ninth 
century. His career was similar to that of David Reubeni ( Epstein, 
" Eldad Ha-Dani," Pressburg, 1891). 

P. 34, 1. 2. " Sephar Eldad Danita," ty^-^ ll^K 11BD* -^^ edition with 
a French> translation was published by Carmoly (" Relation 
d'Eldad le Danite." Paris, 1838). The best editions are those 
of Epstein and D. H. Miiller. 

P. 34, 1. 3. " Rabbi David Kimhi." Famous Hebrew exegete, gram- 
marian, and lexicographer (d. 1232). The work referred to as 
" etymol sua " is " The Book of Roots " (oitj^iKTl "IBd)- 

P. 34, 1. 5. " Of the name of Rabbi Juda Aben Karis." Should be, "in 
the name of Rabbi Judah ben Koraisch." Rabbi Judah (fl. circa 
870-900) was a Karaite philologist ; lived in North-West Africa. 
He met Eldad in Morocco (Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. v. p. 261). 

P. 34, 1. 9. '■^ Part of the Ten Tribes also live in Ethiopia." The 
Falashas of Abyssinia are here referred to (Halevy, " Travels in 
Abyssinia"; Mis. Heb. Lit., yo\. ii. pp. 175 et seq. There are 
also reports on the Falashas in the Annual Reports of the Alliance 
Israelite and Anglo- Jewish Association). 

P. 35, 1. 22. "Rabbi Johanan, the Author of the Jerusalem Talmud.^' 
Rabbi Jochanan, son of the Smith, was a disciple of Rabbi Judah 
the Prince, compiler of the Mishna. He was one of the most famous 
Hebrew teachers of the third century. The tradition that he was 
author of the Jerusalem Talmud rests only on the assertion of 
Maimonides. Modern critics reject it, and date the Jerusalem Tal- 
mud in the seventh century. (Hamburger, " Real-Encyclopadie," 
sub voc. " Jochanan " and " Talmud.") 

P. 35, 1. 34. " The learned man V Empereur." Constantine I'Empereur, 
an Hebraist of the seventeenth century (d. 1648), who translated 
into Latin some tractates of the Mishna and other Hebrew works, 
including the Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela. 

P. 35, 1. 36. " Sedar Olam." The name of two Hebrew Chronologies 
(see Hamburger, "Real-Encyclopadie," sup. vol., pp. 132, 133). 


P- 35> '• 37' "•^'' Talmud tractat, Sanhedr." " Sanhedrin " is the 
name of a treatise of the Talmud, the fourth in the fourth book of 
the Jerushalmi, and the fifth in the fourth book of the Babli. 
Excerpts have been translated into Latin with elaborate notes by 
Job. Coccejus (Amsterdam 1629). 
P. 36, 1. 9. «' Bereslt Rabba." The first part of the " Midrash Rabboth," 
the chief collection of Hagadic or homiletic expositions of the 
Scriptures. As its name implies, it deals with Genesis (Zunz, 
" Gottesdienstlichen Vortrage," pp. 184 et seq., 1892.) 

P. 36, 1. 9. " In Perasach" should be " in Parashah 11" (see original 
Spanish "Esperanga," p. 66). The misprint occurs in the Latin. 
" Parasha" means section. There are 100 sections in the Bereshith 

P. 36, 1. 10. " 7ornan/"Hj " = Turnus Rufiis. 

P. 36, 1. 12. "Rabbi Aquebah." One of the greatest of the Tanaim or 
compilers of the Mishna. He became an adherent of the Pseudo- 
Messiah Bar Cochba, who rebelled against the Romans during the 
reign of Hadrian, and was put to death after the fall of Bethar. 
His career has passed into legend (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. iv. 
pp. 53 etseq.). 

P. 36,1. 20. "Asirim Rabba" = Shir Ha-Shlrim Rabba. Midrashic 
exposition of the Song of Songs {^supra, " Beresit Rabba "). 

P. 36, 1. 27. " Jalcut." A collection of Midrashim covering the 
whole of the Scriptures, and compiled in the eleventh century by R. 
Simeon b. Chelbo, whence it is called the Yalkut Shimeoni (Zunz, 
" Gottesdienst," pp. 183 and 3C9). 

P. 36, 1. 31. " Bamibar Rabba": misprint for Bamidbar Rabba, the 
Midrashic exposition of Numbers. 

P. 37, 1. 12. " R. Selomoh Jarchi." Solomon b. Isaac of Troyes, 
called Rashi (1040-1 105), the most eminent Hebrew Bible com- 
mentator of the Middle Ages. The name Jarchi was erroneously 
given to Rashi by Raymund Martini, Munster, and Buxtorf, who 
imagined that he was a native of Lunel {■^■yi = luna). Menasseh ben 
Israel was the first Jewish scholar to adopt this blunder (Wolf, 
"Biblio. Heb." vol. i. 1057, &c. ; Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. vi. 
pp. 77 rf leq. ; Wolf, "The Treves Family in England"). 

P. 37, 1. 15. " R. Mardochus Japhe." Bohemian Rabbi (1530-1612) 
(Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 465-467). 

P. 37, 1. 26. "Another worthy of credit." In the original Spanish, 
Menasseh gives his name as Senor H. Meyr Rophe. This is 
omitted from both the Latin and English editions. 

P. 37, 1. 34. " R. Moses Gerundensis." Moses ben Nachman (1200- 

1272), also called Nachmanides, and Ramban. Christian scholars 

sometimes speak of him as Gerundensis from his birthplace, 

Gerona. The greatest Talmudic authority of his day, author of a 

{157) " 


Bible commentary. His public disputation at Barcelona with Pablo 
Christiani in 1263 is famous (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. vii. pp. 
131-136, Schechter "Studies in Judaism," art. " Nachmanides "). 

P. 38,1. I. "^sn/aminTudi'/fnjij-," Benjamin b. Jonah of Tudela, famous 
Jewish traveller (see Itinerary by, translated by A. Asher. Lond., 

P. 38, 1. 4. " The City Luh'in " : misprint for Lublin. 

P. 45, 1. 14. " Raiiy Simeon ben Johay, the author of the Zo/ir." 
Rabbi Simeon was a famous doctor of the Mishna and disciple of 
Akiba. He laid the foundation of the Sifre, the Halachic, or legal 
exposition of Numbers and Deuteronomy. He figures in Jewish 
legend as the greatest master of the Cabbala. He was not the 
author of the Zohar. Internal evidence stamps that work as a 
product of the thirteenth century, and its authorship is now ascribed to 
Moses ben Shemtob de Leon (Hamburger, " Real-Encyclopadie," 
arts. Simon b. Jochai, Sifre, and Sohar). 

P. 45, 1. 22. "Rabbi Seadiah" = QAad]a. ben Joseph or Saadja Gaon 
(892-942). The most celebrated of the Geonim, who were the 
chiefs of the schools of Sura and Pumbaditha, and the ecclesiastical 
counterparts of the Exilarchs. Saadja was one of the most prolific 
and versatile writers Judaism has produced (Graetz, "Geschichte," 
vol. V. pp. 302 et seq.'j. 

P. 45, 1. 23. " Moses Egyptius" = Moses Maimonides. 

P. 45, 1. 24, " Abraham bar Ribi Hijah " = Abraham ben Chijah ha-Nasi 
of Barcelona (1065-1136), Jewish astronomical and geometrical 
writer ; was Minister of Police during the Moorish domination in 
Spain (Graetz, "History," vol. iii. p. 320). 

P. 45, 1. 24. "Abraham Zacculo" : misprint for Zaccuto (d. f. 1515). 
He was a Jewish astronomer employed at the Court of Manuel of 
Portugal. His works influenced Columbus (Kayserling, "Christo- 
pher Columbus," pp. 9, 13, 14, 46-51, 112, 113). 

P. 45,1. 30. "The le.ter (m) in Isa. ix. 7." The reference is 
to the sixth verse of Isaiah ix., in the first word of which, 
n^ICi?, the second letter, which should be 0, is written in its final 
form C3. 

P. 47,1. 13. ^' Diogo d^Assumean" ; misprint for Diogo da Asuntjao 
(Graetz, "History," vol. iv. p. 711; Kayserling, "Juden in 
Portugal," pp. 282, 292). 

P. 47, 1. 20. " The Lord Lope de Veray Alacron " = Don Lope de 
Vera y Alarcon. His martyrdom is the subject of a poem by 
Antonio Enriquez Gomez, " Romance al diuin Martir Juda Crey- 
ente" (Kayserling, " Biblioteca Espanola," p. 50; Graetz, 
"Geschichte," vol. x. pp. loi, 197). 

P. 47, 1. 38. " haac Castrensis Tartas " = Is3a.c de Castro Tartas 
(Graetz, "History," vol. v. p. 33). 



p. 48, ]. 9. "Eli Nazarenus." His real name was Francisco Mel- 
donado de Silva ("Publications of the American Jew. Hist. Soc," 
vol. iv. p. 113). 

P. 48, 1. 13. "Thomas Terblnon." Doctor Thomas (Isaac) Trebino de 
Sobremente ("Pub. Amer. Jew. Hist. Soc," vol. iy. pp. 124-161). 

P. 48, 1. 25. "My booke, De Termino Vitx" (English edition by 
P. T. (^Thomas Pocock]]. Lond., 1700). 

P. 49, 1. 8. "His viife Benuenida " = BienTienidii Abravanela (Kayser- 
ling, "Die Jiidischen Frauen," pp. 77 ei seg., ui). 

P. 49, 1. 16. "Don Selomo Raphe." Rabbi Solomon ben Nathan 
Aschkenazi, surnamed Rophe, or the Physician, was a diplomatist in 
the Turkish service who secured the election of Henry of Anjou to 
the throne of Poland. (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 396, 
399' 438, 580; Levy, "Don Joseph Nasi," pp. 8 et seq.). 

P. 49, 1. 1 8. " D. Ben Jaese, Anancus, and Sonsinos, are of great 
authority with the Turk." These are the names of Jewish families 
who played an important part in Turkey in the sixteenth century. 
This is a chapter of Jewish history on which the historians have as 
yet shed little light. The materials are chiefly in manuscript, and 
the present author proposes dealing with them in a communication to 
the Jewish Historical Society. On the Ben Jaese (Ibn Jachya) 
family, the reader may provisionally consult Carmoly, " Chronica 
Familix Jachya," and on the Soncinos, Mortara, " Indice Alfa- 

P. 49, 1. 20. " Abraham Alholn " : misprint for Alhulu, treasurer to 
the Pasha of Egypt. (See infra, p. 86.) 

P. 49,1. 21. "Don Josephus Nassi." A wealthy Jew, nephew and 
son-in-law of Donna Gracia Nasi (see note, infra, p. 163). He 
was in the service of the Sultan, and conquered Cyprus for the Turks. 
In addition to the sources indicated by Menasseh, see Levy, " Don 
Joseph Nasi, Herzog Von Naxos" (Breslau, 1859), and Graetz, 
" Geschichte," vol. ix. passim. 

P. 49, 1. 25. "Jacob Aben Jaes." He is sometimes referred to as Don 
Solomon. He was of the Ibn Jachya family, and was uncle to 
Joseph Nasi. For a time he was in the service of Queen Elizabeth, 
and corresponded with her physician Rodrigo Lopez, to whom he 
was related. The Sultan created him Duke of Mytilene. (MS. 

P. 49, 1. 29. " D. Samuel Palaxe." (See Henriques de Castro, " Keur 
Van Grafsteenen," pp. 91, 94.) 

P. 50, 1. 6. " D. Benjamin Mussaphia." Dionysius Mussaphia (1605- 
1674), physician and philologist, court physician to Christian IV. of 
Denmark, afterwards Rabbi in Amsterdam (Graetz, " Geschichte," 
vol. X. pp. 24, 26, 202, 227, 243, 244; Kayserling, "Juden in 
Portugal," p. 298.) 



p. 50, ]. 9. " K\ng Cochm'i." A mistranslation ; should be " King of 
Cochin." The Jews of the Malabar coast settled there in the 
fifth century. Local tradition gives the colony a much greater 
antiquity. Menasseh gives further particulars of them in his 
"Humbler Addresses," infra, p. 85 (Graetz, " Geschichte," 
vol. iv. pp. 470-472 ; Satthianadhan in the Church Missionary 
Intelligencer, 1 87 1, pp. 365 <?/ -f^y.) 

P. 50,1. 12. " Mardocheas Maisel." Mordecai Meisel (1528-1601). 
The first Hebrew capitalist in Germany. Created an Imperial 
Councillor by the Emperor Rudolph. His charities were on a 
princely scale. He built two synagogues at Prague (Graetz, 
"Geschichte," vol. ix. pp. 477, 478.) 

P. 50, 1. 14. " Jacob JBathsebah." Jacob Basevi Schraieles (1580- 
1634), an influential Bohemian Jew, ennobled by the Emperor 
Ferdinand, receiving the title of Von Treuenburg and a grant of 
arms. (Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. x. pp. 41-47 ; Wolf, "Jewish 
Coats of Arms.") 

P. 50,1. 22. "Moses Avion" (1490-1565). Physician to Solymon 
n. Translated the Bible and Hebrew Prayer-Book into Arabic, 
and was employed by the Sultan on diplomatic missions (Levy, 
"Don Joseph Nasi," pp. 6-8). 

P. 50, 1. 23. " Elias Montalto." Felipe Montalto, or Eliahu de Luna 
Montalto, brother of Amato Lusitano. Portuguese physician. Prac- 
tised in Italy, and afterwards was appointed physician-in-ordinary 
to Maria de Medicis ; died at Tours 1616, and buried in the Jewish 
Cemetery at Amsterdam (Kayserling, "Biblioteca Espanola," pp. 
72, 73). Montalto was also known as Don Philipe Rodrigues. 
Among his descendants is Prof. Raphael Meldola (MS. materials). 

P. 50, 1. 25. "Elias Cretensis." Better known as Elia del Medigo 
(1463-1498). Lectured publicly on philosophy in Padua, and 
arbitrated in a dispute between the professors and students of the 
university at the request of the Venetian Senate. Pico di Mirandola 
was one of his pupils. He was a prolific writer (Graetz, "Ge- 
schichte," vol. viii. pp. 240-247). 

P. 50, 1. 26. " R. Abraham de Balmas" (d. 1521). Physician, 
philosopher, and grammarian. Like Del Medigo, he lectured in Padua, 
and was one of the Hebraists whose teaching influenced the Refor- 
mation. Daniel Bomberg, the famous Venetian printer, was one of 
his pupils, and translated his poems into Latin (Graetz, "Ge- 
schichte," vol. ix. p. 215). 

P. 50, 1. 27. "Elias Grammaticus." Better known as Elia Levita 
( 1498-1 549). A German Rabbi who taught in Padua, Venice, and 
Rome, and who exercised a strong influence on the Hebrew studies 
which produced the Reformation. Scaliger describes him as " the 
greatest Hebrew scholar of his age." Among his pupils were the 


Cardinal Egidio de Viterbe, the French bishop and ambassador 
George de Selve, and the theologians Munster and Fagius (Giinsburg, 
" Masoreth Hamasoreth " ; Karpeles, " Geschichte d. JUd. Lit.," 
pp. 855 j/jf^.). 
P- S0> !• 33- "I^avidtlePomis." Physician, lexicographer, and theo- 
logian (1525-1588), translated Koheleth into Italian. Author 
of "De Medico Hebraeo" (Graetz, "Geschichte," vol. ix. p. 483 ; 
Karpeles, " Gesch. Jiid. Lit.," pp. 880-881). There is a curious 
tradition that De Pomis was residing in Hull in 1599 (Symons, 
"Hull in ye Olden Times," Hull, 1886, pp. 82, 83). 

Considerations upon the Point of the Conversion 
OF THE Jewes 

■Pp- 5 7-7 2- This Appendix is, as will be seen, by the English translator, 
Moses Wall. It does not appear in the first edition, and it is printed 
here as throwing light on the motives of the English supporters of 
Menasseh ben Israel. 

P. 67, 1. 21. "E. S." Sir Edward Spenser, M.P. for Middlesex. 
See Introduction, p. xxvii. 

P. 68, 1. 36. " Did Mr. Broughton galne upon a learned Rahbi." See 
Broughton, " Ovr Lordes Famile" (Amst., 1608), and "A 
Reqvire of Agreement " ( 1 6 11 ) . 


(pp. 73-103) 

Bibliographical Note 

jFor the origin of this tract, and the probable date and circumstances of 
its preparation, see Introduction, pp. xxxviii-xxxix. 

There are two editions, neither of which bears any imprint or date. 
Both are 4to, but one has 26 pp. and the other 23 pp. It is difficult to say 
whether, and which, one of these two versions is a revision of the other, as 
the only difference between them is that the following sentence is added at 
the end of the 23 pp. text: "Which is the close of Rabbi Menesse Ben- 
Israel, a Divine, and Doctor in Physick in the Strand over against the New- 
Exchange in London." The British Museum copy of this edition is dated 
in MS. "Novemb. 5th (London), 1655." This edition must have been 
printed after Menasseh's arrival in London, and it is probable that the other 
is the Libellus Angl'icus of which he speaks in his letter to Felgenhauer in 
February 1655, and which, consequently, we may assume was printed in 



The latter was reprinted in Mi;lbourne in 1868, with an introduction by 
the late Rev. A. F. Ornstien : — 

"To / His Highnesse / the / Lord Protector / of the / Commonwealth 
of / England, Scotland and Ireland / the Humble Addresses / of / Menasseh 
Ben Israel, a Divine, and / Doctor of Physic, in behalfe / of the Jewish 
Nation / 1655. / Reprinted by H. T. Dwight, / Bookseller and Pub- 
lisher, Bourke Street East, Melbourne. / 1868. 

English reprints of the 2 3 pp. text have been published in the Jewish 
Chronicle, Nov.-Dec. 1859, and in Kayserling's "Lite of Menasseh ben 
Israel," with annotations in 1877 [Miscellany of Hebrew Literalure, Second 
Series, pp. 35-63). According to Barbosa Machado ("Biblioteca Lusi- 
tana," vol. iii. p. 457), a Spanish translation was published in London simul- 
taneously with the first English edition. Its title is given as follows : — 

" Las Humildes suplicaciones En nombre de la Nacion de los Judios a 
su Alteza el Senor Protector Oliver Cromwell de la Republica de Inglaten a, 
Scocia, y Yrlandia. Traduzido del Original Ingles. En Londres, 1655." 

A copy of this translation in MS. existed in the library of Isaac da 
Costa of Amsterdam (Misc. Heb. Lit., ii. p. 84). Kayserling first 
translated the tract into German, and published it in his " Menasse ben 
Israel, sein Leben und Wirken " (Berlin, 1861). 

A very large number of the historical references in this tract are taken 
without acknowledgment from Iraanuel Aboab's "Nomologia" (Amst., 
1629) and Daniel Levy de Barrios's "Historia Universal Judayca." 
Kayserling has given many of the original passages in his notes to his " Life 
of Menasseh ben Israel" (Misc. Heb. Lit., Series II.). 

To His Highnesse, &c. 

P. 77,1. 9. "The Ambassadors of England." The St. John Mission 
(see Introduction, pp. xxx-xxxi, and Vindicia, p. III). 

P. 81,1. 19. " Merchandizing is . . . the proper profession of the Nation 
of the Jews." In so far as this implies that the Jews have an inborn 
genius for commerce this is a vulgar error (see Loeb, " Le Juif 
de I'Histoire et le Juif de la Legende," pp. 7-14). 

P. 85, 1. 7. " These in India in Cochin." See note, supra, ^^. 159-160. 

P. 85,1. 21. "In the Turkish Empire." See Nicolas de Nicolay, 
" Navigations, Peregrinations et Voyages faicts en la Turquie," 
Anvers, 1576, pp. 243 et seq. 

P. 86, 1. 20. " In this estate some of the Jews have grown to great 
fortunes." The Jewish notabilities referred to in this paragraph are 
also mentioned in the " Hope of Israel." See note,'supra, p. 1 59. 

P. 87, 1. 6. " Isaac lecells." Jessel or Joesel is a diminutive of Joseph. 
The person referred to is probably Asher ben Joseph of Cracow 
(see Steinschneider, " Bibl. Bodl.," p. 751). 

P. 87, 1. 9. " The Cosaques in the late warres." The rising of Chmiel- 
nicki, i64a-i('i49. (Graetz, " Geschichte," vol. x. pp. 52-82.) 


p. 87, 11. 22 el scq. The references to Jewish families in this paragraph 
are taken from Aboab and De Barrios. See notes 201-204 'o 
Kayserling's " Menasseh ben Israel" [Misc. Heb. Lit., ii. p. 88). 

P. 88, 1. 17. "Seignor Moseh Palache." See De Castro, " Keur 
Van Graafsteenen," p. 93; " Cal. State Papers, Dom.," 1654, 
p. 91. On the Jews of Morocco, see Jew. Quart. Rev., vol. iv. 
pp. 369 et seq. 

P. 89, 1. 5. " Sir Duarte Nmes a' Jcosta." See Da Costa, " Adellijke 
Geslachten onder de Israelieten." 

P. 89, 1. 8. "Emanuel Boccaro Rosales," See p. Ixxx (Menasseh's 
letter fo Felgenhauer) ; Kayserling, " Sephardim," p. 209 ; " Bib- 
lioteca Espanola-Portugueza-Judaica," pp. 95-96. 

P. 90, 1. 16. " As the Chronicles do declare.^' This paragraph is 
almost literally translated from Aboab's " Nomologia," p. 290. The 
story does not appear in the earlier Jewish chronicles, such as Schevet 
Jehuda, Emek Habacha, and Zemach David, although the events of 
the reign of Pedro the Cruel and Don Enrique so far as they affect 
the Jew are fully dealt with in them. The "Chronicle" referred 
to by Menasseh is probably that of Pedro Lopez d'Ayala, which is 
the original authority for the story. 

P. 91, 1. 27. "Don Isaac Abarbanel." See note, supra, p. 154. 

P. 92, 1. I. "They e-uerywhere are used to pray." See Singer, "The 
Earliest Jewish Prayers for the Sovereign " [Jewish Chronicle, Feb. 
22, 1901 ). 

P. 92, 1. 18. ^^ He that giveth salvation unto Kings." This is the first 
English translation of the Prayer for the Sovereign. See Singer, 
preceding note. 

P. 93, 1. 3. " R. Simon Ben-Iochai in his excellent book called Zoar." 
See note, supra, p. 158. 

P. 93, 1. 26. "One famous lawyer in Rome, and Osorius." The whole 
of this, and the following paragraphs relating to the expulsion from 
Spain, is taken from Aboab's "Nomologia." Osorius (Hieronymo 
Osorio, 1 506-1 580) was author of a history of the reign of King 
Emanuel, which was translated into English by Gibbs (Lend., 
1752). See notes to Kayserling's "Menasseh" for parallel 
passages from Aboab. 

P. 99, 1. 22. "As Vasquo saith." For Vasquo read Usque. Menasseh is 
quoting from the " Consolacam as Tribvlacoens de Ysrael," by Samuel 
Usque (Ferrara, 1552), see pp. 198-200. Samuel Usque was one 
of three brothers, all distinguished Marranos. He fled from the 
Portuguese Inquisition and settled at Ferrara, whence he emigrated 
to the Holy Land. He was a protege of Donna Gracia Nasi (see 
Note on "Don Josephus Nassi," supra, p. 159; also Kayserling, 
"Jiidischen Frauen," pp. 80-86). 

P 100,1. 5. The narrative as pirated from Aboab's "Nomologia" 



ends here. For fuller details of the Portuguese persecutions, see 
Kayserling, " Juden in Portugal," pp. 1 20 et seq. 

P. 101,1. 17. " As for klUing of the young children of Christians." See 
infra, notes on " Vindicise Judseoruni," pp. 165-167. 

P. 102,1. 9. "In ^raf aza " = Ragusa. For a fuller version of this 
story see infra, " Vindiciae Judseorum," pp. 116-117. 

P. 102, 1. 20. "As for the third point." Menasseh himself was largely 
responsible for the charge of proselytising, inasmuch as in the " Hope 
of Israel " (^supra, p. 47) he had boasted of the converts made by 
the Jews in Spain. There can be no doubt that these conversions 
were very numerous, but they were probably due in a larger measure 
to the oppressive policy of the Inquisition than to any active prose- 
lytising on the part of the Jews. 

P. 103, 1. 33. "In the Strand." For a full discussion of the place of 
Menasseh's abode while in London, see Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc., 
vol. iii. pp. 144 et seq. 


(pp. 105-147) 

Bibliographical Note 

For the origin of this tract see Introduction, pp. Ixii-lxiv. 

It has often been reprinted and translated, especially on occasions of 
Jewish persecution. In 1708 it reappeared in the second volume of "The 
Phoenix ; or a Revival of Scarce and Valuable Pieces." In 1743 it was re- 
printed as an independent pamphlet (Lond., 8vo, pp. 67). Ninety-five 
years later it was again reprinted by M. Samuels in the prolegomena to 
his translation of Moses Mendelssohn's "Jerusalem" (Lond., 1838, vol. i. 
pp. 1-73), together with a translation of Mendelssohn's introduction to the 
German edition (pp. 77-116). 

On the Continent it was first published in 1782 in connection with the 
Mendelssohnian movement for Jewish emancipation, which was participated 
in by Lessing and Dohm. The fact that it should have been considered 
by Moses Mendelssohn worthy to stand by the side of Lessing's Nathan der 
Weise is a striking tribute to its merits. The Mendelssohnian issue is more 
famous than the original English edition, for in its German form the work 
became a classic of national Jewish controversy, whereas in English it was 
only associated with the local history of the British Jews. The following 
is the full title of the German edition (pp. Iii, 64, sm. 8vo) : — 

Manasseh Ben Israel / Rettung der Juden / Aus dem Englischen 
iibersetzt / Nebst einer Vorrede / von / Moses Mendelssohn./ Als ein 
Anhang / zu des / Hrn. Kriegsraths Dohm / Abhandlung : / Ueber / die 



biirgerliche Verbesserung / der Juden./ Mit Konigl. Preussischer allergna- 
digster Freyheit./ Berlin und Stettin / bey Friedrich Nicolai / 1782. 

This translation is said to have been made by Dr. Herz, the husband of 
the famous Henrietta Herz (Kayserling, "Moses Mendelssohn sein Leben 
und seine Werke," p. 354), but it was probably done by his wife, who knew 
English so well that during her widowhood she was engaged to teach it to 
the daughter of the Duchess of Courland. (See "Life" by Fiirst, also 
Jennings's " Rahel," pp. 19 £/ seq.) The imroduclion supplied by Moses 
Mendelssohn fills fifty-two pages, and is as famous as the Vtndktie itself. 

^ Besides being reprinted in Mendelssohn's collected works, the German 
edition of the Vindicia was republished in 1882, in connection with the 
Anti-Semitic agitation, under the title " Gegcn die Verleumder," and again 
in 1890. 

The following editions have also appeared : — 

1813. Hebrew by Bloch (Vienna). 

1818. „ with a preface by Moses Kunitz (Wilna). 

1837. Polish by J. Tugenhold (Warsaw). 

1842. French by Carmoly (Brussels, Revue Orlentale, ii. pp. 491 
et seq.). 

1883. Italian by Nahmias (Florence). 

The First Section 
P. 108, 1. II. " The Je'uis are •wont to celebrate the feast of unleavened 
bread, fermenting it luith the blood of some Christians." This accusa- 
tion, now known as the Blood Accusation, has been for many centuries 
the favourite superstition of the Jew-haters. It was revived by 
Prynne and Ross during Menasseh's sojourn in London. During 
the residence of the Jews in England previously to 1290, it played a 
conspicuous part in their persecution. (See Joseph Jacobs' "Little 
St. Hugh of Lincoln," Jew. Hist. Sac. Trans., vol. i., especially pp. 
92-99. "The Blood Accusation, its origin and occurrence in the 
Middle Ages," reprinted from the Jewish Chronicle, 1883.) There is 
a very voluminous literature of the Blood Accusation (see especially 
Zunz's " Damaskus, ein Wort zur Abwehr," Berlin, 1859), but it 
has not hitherto been noticed that during the period the Jews were 
banished from England (1290-1655) the superstition continued to 
haunt the public mind. We have a curious instance of it in 1577. 
When John Foxe, the raartyrologist, baptized a Moorish Jew named 
Nathaniel Menda, on April i of that year, at All Hallows, Lombard 
Street, he adopted the Blood Accusation in the address he delivered 
to celebrate the occasion. " Moreover, if he (Abraham) had scene 
your unappeaceable disorder without all remorse of mercy in persecut- 
ing his (Jesus' s) disciples ; your intolerable scorpionlike savageness, 
so furiously boyling against the innocent infants of the Christian 


Gentiles: . . . would he ever accompted you for his sonnes." To 
which the printer's gloss runs thus : " Christen men's children here 
in Englande crucified by the Jewes, Anno 11S9 and Anno 11 41 at 
Norwiche, &c." (John Foxe, " A Sermon at the Christening of a 
certaine lew at London," London, 1578 ; p. E. iii.) This sermon, 
originally delivered in Latin, was translated into Engli-ih and published 
in extenso, together with the confession of Nathaniel Menda, in i 57^- 
It was dedicated to Sir Francis Walsingham, Principal Secretary of 
State to Queen Elizabeth. 

Thomas Calvert, " Minister of the Word at York," was the next 
to lend his name to the superstition, and to give vigorous expression 
to it in his " Diatraba of the Jews' Estate." This was a preface to 
" The Blessed Jew of Marocco ; or A Blackmoor made White, by 
Rabbi Samuel, a Jew turned Christian; wiitten first in the Arabick, 
after translated into Latin, and now Englished" (York, 164!^. 
The British Museum copy is dated in MS. "July 25, 1649.") 
His exact words are as follows : — 

" So much are they (the Jews) bent to shed the blood of 
Christians, that they say a Jew needs no repentance for murdering a 
Christian ; and they add to that sinne to make it sweet and delectable 
that hee who doth it, it is as if he had offered a Corban to the Lord, 
hereby making the abominable sin an acceptable sacrifice. But beyond 
all these they have a bloody thirst after the blood of Christians. In 
France and many kingdoms they have used yearly to steale a Christian 
boy and to crucifie him, fastning him to a crosse, giving him gall and 
vinegar, and running him in the end thorow with a spear, to rub their 
memories afresh into sweet thoughts of their crucifying Christ, the 
more to harden themselves against Christ and to shew their curst 
hatred to all Christians" (pp. 18-19). 

John Sadler stands out conspicuously for dissociating himself 
from this baseless prejudice. When he wrote his " Rights of 
the Kingdom," in 1649, '''^ summed up the matter in a happy and 
pithy manner : " Wee say, they (the Jews) crucified a child, or more. 
They doe deny it: and we prove it not" (p. 74). Undaunted by 
Sadler's championship of the Jews, James Howell followed Calvert, 
and in the Epistle Dedicatory to his pirated edition of Morvyn's transla- 
tion of Joseph ben Gorion, " The wonderful and deplorable history 
of the latter times of the Jews" (London [June 2], 1652), he 
thus insinuated the truth of the charge: — 

" The first Christian Prince that expelled the Jews out of his 
territories, was that heroik King, our Edward the First, who was 
such a sore scourge also to the Scots ; and it is thought divers families 
of those banished Jews fled then to Scotland, where they have propa- 
gated since in great numbers, witness the aversion that nation hath 
above others to hog's flesh. Nor was this extermination for their 


Religion, but for their notorious crimes, as poysoning of wells, counter- 
feiting of coines, falsifying of seales, and crucifying of Christiaii children, 
with other villanies." 

Sadler was not the only English contemporary of Menasseh ben 
Israel who threw doubt on the Blood Accusation. Prynne himself 
relates in the preface to his " Demurrer " that he met Mr. Nye by 
the garden wall at Whitehall, when he was on his way to the Con- 
ference on the Jewish Question. « I told him," writes Prynne, 
" the Jews had been formerly clippers and forgers of money, and had 
crucified three or four children in England at least, which were principal 
causes of their banishment, to which he replied, that the crucifying 
of children was not fully charged on them by our historians, and 
would easily be wiped off." (Preface, p. 4.) 

It is curious that, as Menasseh himself points out, the Jews were 
not alone at this period as sufferers from the Blood Accusation. ■ 
("Humble Addresses," p. 21.) Apart from the instance quoted 
by Menasseh, a similar charge was levelled at the Quakers, who 
were accused of the ritual murder of women. An illustrated tract 
on the subject will be found in Historia Fanaticorum. (See " Historia 
von den Wider-Tauffern," Cothen, 1701.) 

The Blood Accusation did not again make a conspicuous appear- 
ance in Anglo-Jewish history, but it is not improbable that the 
Damascus trials in 1840 produced a serious effect in retarding the 
progress of the struggle for emancipation. On the Continent, and in 
the Levant, it has frequently reappeared during the last thirty years. 

P. 109, 1. 8. "/n lad a Ra%aka." Misprint for Tad Hachazaka 
("The Strong Hand"), also called Mishneh Torah, an exposition 
of Jewish law by Moses Maimonides, written (in Hebrew) 1170- 

P. Ill, 1. 7. '■^ A particular blessing of the Prince or Magistrate" 
See note, supra, p. 163. 

P. 112, 1. 16. " And every day the Jeiues mainly strike.'^ The belief 
that Jews habitually desecrated the sacramental wafer runs parallel 
with the Blood Accusation. A curious echo of it was heard in 
1822, and the published account of the case was illustrated by George 
Cruikshank (" The Miraculous Host tortured by the Jews," Lond., 

P. 114, 1. 4. "Wherefore I swear." This oath is famous in Jewish 
history, and has been over and over again quoted and reiterated on 
occasions of the revival of the Blood Accusation (see e.g. Trans. 
Jew. Hist. Soc, vol. i. p. 38). 

P. 114, 1. 20. "John Hoornbeeh in that booh which he lately writ." 
The work referred to is De Convertendis Judais, 1655. 

P. 115, 1. 28. "In my continuation of Flavins Josephus." In the 
"Hope of Israel" [supra, p. 7), Menasseh announced his intention 


of writing this work. From this passage it seems that he had now 
completed it, and that he had the MS. with him in London. It 
was never printed, as none of it has survived. It is curious that 
Menasseh does not mention it among his " Books ready for the 
Presse," of which he gave a list at the end of the Vindicin (see 

p. 147). V-r<^ c^eer- sfcc p. \«r7 t-'ve 1'2. 

P. 116,1. 13. "One Isaac Jeshurun." An account of his persecution 
was written in Hebrew by Aaron de David Cohen of Ragusa, and 
translated into Spanish under the title. Memorable relacton de Tshac 
Jesurun. The work is in MS. ; a copy was in the Almanzi Library. 

P. 118, 1. 30. " That our nation had purchased S. PauTs Church." See 
Introduction, p. xli. 

P. 118, 1. 34. " A fabulous narrative." Brett, "A Narrative of the 
Proceedings of a Great Councel of Jews assembled on the plain of 
Ageda" (Lend., 1655; reprinted in "The Phoenix," 1707, the 
" Harleian Miscellany," vol i., 1813, and in pamphlet form by 
Longmans & Co., 1876). 

P. 121, 1. 27. "The book called Scebet /f^ad'a," mm'' D365' nSD, by 
Solomon Aben Verga, a Jewish chronicle of the sixteenth century. 
See German translation by Wiener (Hanover, 1856). The story 
related by Menasseh ben Israel will be found on pp. 77-78. It is 
not told of a " King of Portugal," but of a Ring of Spain. 

P. 121, 1. 32. " Before one of the Popes, at a full Councell." For Papal 
Bulls on the Blood Accusation see " Die Blutbeschuldigung gegen 
die Juden von ChristJicher Seite beurtheilt," Zweite Auflage 
(Vienna, T883). Strack's " Blutaberglaube " (several editions) is 
the classical work on the subject. 

The Second Section 

P. 124, 1. 16. "Tie Israelites hold." This paragraph is a summary of 
the Thirteen Articles of Faith first drawn up by Moses Maimonides 
in 1 168, and now incorporated in the Synagogue liturgy. Menasseh's 
summary, though admirably succinct, is not altogether perfect, and 
was apparently drafted with a view to the susceptibilities of the 
English Conversionists. A full translation of the thirteen creeds 
had, however, already appeared in England (see Chilmead's trans- 
lation of Leo Modena's " The History of the Rites, Customes, and 
Manner of Life of the Present Jews," Lond., 1650, pp. 246-249). 

P. 124, 1. 28. "A French booh which he calleth the Rappel of the Jewes" 
laac la Peyr^re " Rappel des Juifs." 

The Third Section 

The subject matter of this section, the alleged cursing of Gentiles, is, 
like the Blood Accusation, an obstinate delusion of the anti-Semites. It is 



the burden of a very voluminous literature. See, among recent publications, 
Jellitiek, "Der Talmudjude " (Vienna, 1882); Daab, " Der Thalmud " 
(Leipzig, 1883) ; Hirsch, " tjber die Beziehung des Talmuds zum Juden- 
thum" (Frankfort, 1884) ; and Hoffmann, "Der Schulchan Aruch unddie 
Rabbinen iiber das Verhaltniss der Juden zu Andersglaubigen " (Berlin, 

■^'' I27»I' 3I- " Prayers for Kings and Princes." See note, j«/ra, p. 163. 
, P. 128, 1. 6. "The form of prayer in the book entitled The Humlle 

Addresses" supra, p. 92. 
P. 133, 1. 25. " Wise and vertuous Lady Bertiria." The most famous 

of the women mentioned in the Talmud. She was the daughter of 

Rabbi Chanina ben Tradjon, and wife of Rabbi Meir (Kayserling, 

"Jiidischen Frauen," pp. 120-124). 
P. 133, 1. 26. " R. Meir." A distinguished pupil of the great Rabbi 

Akiba, and one of the most famous of the authors of the Talmud. 

He lived in the second century (Levy, " Un Tanah," Paris, 1883 ; 

Blumenthal, « Rabbi Meir," Frankfurt, 18B8). 

The Fourth Section 

P. 134, 1. 14. " Buxtorphius." Johann Buxtorf the Elder (1564-1629), 
the greatest Christian Hebraist of his day. Professor of Hebrew at 

P. 136, 1. 22. " R. Da-vid Gaivz." David Gans (i 541-163 1), a 
Jewish chronicler, mathematician, and astronomer, author of Zemach 
David. He lived in Prague, and was a friend of Tycho Brahe and 
Keppler (Klemperer, "David Gans's Chronikartige Weltgeschichte," 
Prague, 1890). 

P. 136, 1. 25. " Antonius Margarita" His name was Aaron Margalita. 
He was an ignorant Polish Jew, who became converted to Christianity 
and placed his services at the disposal of the Jew-haters (Graetz, 
" Geschichte," vol. x. pp. 313-314). 

The Fifth Section 

P. 137,1. 1 8. " I have held friendship ivith many great men." Menasseh's 
circle of Christian friends was large and distinguished. His intimacy 
with Rembrandt has already been referred to {supra, pp. 149-150). 
Among his other friends were Hugo Grotius, the learned family of 
Vossius, Episcopius,Vorstius, Meursius, Cunasus, Blonde!, Chr. Arnold, 
Bochart, Huet, Sobierre, Felgenhauer, Frankenberg, Mochinger, and 
Caspar Barlasus. 

P. 137, 1. 23. ^^ Many verses in my commendations" The poem by 
Barlxus here referred to was prefixed to Menasseh's treatise " De 
Creatione" (Amsterdam, 1636), together with congratulatory 


sonnets by Himanuel Nehamias, Mosseh Pinto, Jona Abravane], 
and Daniel Abravanel. It ran as follows : — 




Clarissimi •viri Manassis Ben-Israel, 

De Creatione. 

Qvae cceIos terrascj; manus, spatiosaq ; Nerei 

^quora, & immesas, quas habet orbis opes, 
Condiderit, mersuniq ; alta caligine mundum 

lusserit imperijs ilicet esse suis : 
Disserit Isacides. Et facta ingentia pandit ; 

Et nondum exhaustum contrahit arte Deum. 
Hie atavos patres^ ; suos & verba recenset, 

Sensaq ; Thalmudicas relligiosa Scholas. 
Vera placet, placet egregijs conatibus author, 

Et pietas fidei disparis ista placet. 
Cunctorum est coluisse Deum. Non unius sevi, 

Non populi unius credimus, esse pium. 
Si sapimus diversa, Deo vivamus amici, 

DoctacJ ; mens precio constet ubi^ ; suo. 
Haec fidei vox summa mese est. Haec crede Menasse. 

Sic ego Christiades, sic eris Abramides. 

C. Barleys. 

The Seventh Section 

144, 1. 37. " Wherefore those few Jetues that were here, despairing of our 
expected successe departed hence." This can only refer to Menasseh's 
companions on his mission. With two exceptions all the Marranos 
in London at the time of Menasseh's arrival remained in the country. 

145, 1. 34. " From my study in London." See Trans. Jew. Hist. Soc, 
vol. iii. pp. 144-150. 



Abarbanel, David, Ixxxvi 

Abarbanel, Ephraim, Ixix 

Abarbanel family, claimed descent 
from King David, xxxiii, 154 

Abarbanel, Isaac, Jewish statesman, 
councillor to King of Spain and 
Portugal, 19, 45, 49, 91, 154 (notes), 
163 (notes), cited, 122 

Abarbanel, Samuel, 49. {See also 

Abel-beth-maachah, 29 

Aben Ezra, 109 

Aben Jaes, Jacob =Alvaro Mendez, 
47 i^see Jachya, Ibn) 

Aben Karis, Rabbi Juda, 34 

Aboab, Imanuel, cited, 162, 163 

Abravanel, Daniel, 170 (notes) 

Abravanel, Jona, 170 (notes) 

Abravanela, Bienvenida = Benuen- 
ida, 49, 159 (notes) 

Abyssinia, Falashas of, 156 (notes) 

Abyssins, country of the, 40 ; king- 
dom of the, 42 

Acosta, cited, 54 

Acosta, Sir Duarte Nunes d', 89, 163 

Acosta, josephus, 18 

Acosta, P., cited, 22 

Acuzainitenses, 22 

Adler, Rev. Dr. H., xxiii (cited), >i., 
xxvii, n. 

Adler, Marcus, 155 (notes) 

Admiralty Commissioners, Ixv 

Africa, 6, 21, 44, 113 ; battle in, 51 ; 
North-West, 156 (notes) 

Agathais, cited, 32 

Ageda, 118; Council of Jews as- 
sembled on the Plain of, 167 

Agrippa, 129, 130, 131 ; cities of 
King, 36 

Agrippa's Oration, 35 

Akiba, Rabbi, 169 (notes) 

Alacron, Lord Lope de Veray, turned 
Jew, was burnt by Inquisition, 47 

Alciat, 96 

Alexander the Great, 128, 130, 140, 

Alexandria, 19, 44 ; people of, accuse 
Jews of being thieves, 40 

Alholu, D. Abraham, 49, 86, 159 

Allen, Hannah, 151 

Almadise, see Ethiopian ships, 34 

Alonsius, son of John II., 51 

Alonsus, P., cited, 55 

Alphonso II., Duke of Ferrara, 88 

Alphonso v., of Portugal, 154 

Alphonso the Wise, King of Spain, 
declares Blood Accusation false, 
102 ; gave liberty to Jews to dwell 
in his country, 121 

Atlas, Gabriel de Rivas, 150 (notes) 

Alva, Duke of, 39 

Alvalensi, Samuel, 91 

Amarat, Sultan, 85 

Amarkela, R. Joseph, 33 

America, Ixxviii, 18, 20, 23, 27, 42, 
44> 55i 56 ; fii'St inhabitants of, 
54; Jews in, 152 (notes), 153 
(notes) ; people of, 6 ; South, 
xxiv ; Synagogues in, 52 ; " Ten 
Tribes of Israel in, Account of," 
52 (notes) ; Williams founds com- 
munity in, xix 

American Indians, .xxiv 

Americans, 41 ; origin of, 152 (notes) 

Americus, 17 

Amon, Moses, physician and trans- 



lator of Pentateuch into Persian 
and Arabian, 113, 135, 160 (notes) 

Amorites, 57 

Amsterdam, xiii, xxxiii, xxxvi, Ixviii, 
Ixxi, Ixxvii, Ixxviii, 88, 109, 117, 120, 
150 (notes), 161 (notes); English 
converts to Judaism, xxi ; Jews of, 
Ixxiii ; Jewish cemetery of, 160 
(notes) ; Jewish merchants of, xxx, 
xxxi ; Magistrates of, xvii, 144 ; 
Marrano congregations, xiv ; Men- 
asseh becomes acquainted with 
Dury, xxiv ; Menasseh's printing 
office at, xxxvii n.; Montezinos 
relates his story before Synagogue, 
XXV (see Mussaphia), 159 (notes); 
Rabbinate at, xxxii ; Separatists, 
xviii, xix ; " Spes Israelis," xxii ; 
Synagogue at, xxv ; visited by 
Lord St. John, iii 

Amurat, Sultan, 47, 86 

"An Apologie for the Honourable 
Nation of Jews," 103 

Anaucus, 49, 1 59 (notes) 

Ancona, 96, 98 

Andalusia (Andaluzia), xii, xxxiii, 

Andes of Cusco, 24 
Andro, Earl of, Joseph Nasino, 86 
Anian, 31 ; kingdom of, 20, 21 ; Sea 

of the Strait of, 55 ; Strait of, 29, 

S3, SS 
Anjou, Henry of, elected King of 

Poland, 159 (notes) 
Anti-Jewish Petition, Ixxi, Ixxii 
Anti-Semitic pamphleteers, Ivii 
Anti-Semites, xlii, Ix, Ixii, Ixv, Ixxiv 
Antipater, 90 

Antioch, 40 ; Daphne of, 35 
Antiochus, 62, 76, 119, 130 ; the end 

of, 51 
Antonius, Marcus, 129 
Antwerp, Hebrew bankers of, xv ; 

Marrano Jews of, xiv 
Apion, 120, 129, 130, 131, 135 ; and 

the Blood Accusation, 119 
"Apologia Contra Gentes," 120 
Apostolical Roman Church, xxxiv 
Apostolical Roman Seat, 98 
Appeal to the English nation, xxxvii 
Aquebah, Rabbi, one of the com- 


pilers of the Mishna, 36, 157 

(notes) {see Akiba) 
Aquibah, Rabbi, 48 [see Aquebah) 
Aquirre, killed Petrus d'Orsna, 24 ; 

killed at Margareta, 25 
Arabians, 7 ; derivation of Sab- 

bathion, 37 
Aragon, xiii 

Aragon, Catherine of, xv 
Araguza = Ragusa, 102, 116, 164 

" Araucana, La," 155 (notes) 
Area, 36, 38 

Aristseus = Ansteas, cited, 124, 130 
Armada, xv 

Arnebet, wife of Ptolomy, 127 
Arnold, Chr., 169 (notes) 
Arsareth, 20 
Artaxerxes, 120 
Aschkenazi, Rabbi Solomon ben 

Nathan = Don Selonio Rophe, 49, 

159 (notes) 
Asher, A., cited, 158 (notes) 
Asia, 6, 21, 35, 41, 44, 54, 55. 82, 

113, 124; East, 32; Jews in, 50, 

129 ; Kings of, 130 
"Asirim Rabba" = Shir Ha-Shirim 

Rabba, 36, 157 (notes) 
Asor, Tribe of, 32 
Assembly at Whitehall, 144 
Assumean, Diogo d' = Diogo da 

Asungao, turned Jew, burnt by 

Inquisition, 47, 158 (notes) 
Assyria, Ixxviii, 29, 36, 40, 42, 44, 45, 

53; Benhadad of, iii ; King of, 

37 {see Pul, 29) 
Astrologer of Prague {see Jacobus 

Verus), 28 
Asuay, 153 (notes) 
Asungao, Diogo da {see Assumean) 
Atagualpa, 22 
Athens, 55 
Athenians, 97 
Atlantic Islands, 6 
Atlantis, 54 

Attica, inundation of, 55 
Augusta, Julia, wife of Augustus 

Cffisar, 130 
Augustine, cited, 103, 130 {see 

Augustinianus, Alonsus, 21 


Augustus Cassar, 129, 130 

Auns, 32 

Austin, cited, 56 

Austine the Monk, 68 

Austria, 115 

Ayacucho = Guamanga 155 (notes) 

Ayala, Pedro Lopez d', 163 (notes) 

Azahel, Rabbi Jacob ben, xxxvii n. 

Azores, 21 

"Babli, The," Talmud, 157 (notes) 

Babylon, 35, 39, 40, 42, 64, 92 ; cap- 
tivity of, 41, 43, 93 ; redemption 
from, 42 ; rivers of, 36 

Babylonian Talmud, cited, 36, 43, 
157 (notes) 

Bagdad, 85 

Bahia Honda = Port Honda = Puerto 
de Santa Crus, 153 (notes) 

Bairos, Johannes de, 38 

Bajaseth, Bajazet, Sultan, 50, 97 

Baiker, Richard, Ixxi n. 

Balaam, 46 

Balboa, Basco Nunez de, 19 

Balmas, R. Abraham de, 50, 160 

BaJtasar, 129 

" Bamibar Raba " = Bamidbar Rabba, 
36, 157 (notes) 

Bancroft, cited, 152 (notes) 

Banishments from England, France, 
Spain, 46 

Baptist, John the, 30 

Baptists, xviii 

Bar Cochba, the Pseudo - Messiah, 
157 (notes) 

Bara, Jan, 157 (notes) 

Barbadoes, xxxi, xxxvii 

Barbary, 49 ; Kingdom of, 88 

Barcelona, Disputation of Grundensis 
at, 157 (notes) 

Barleus, Caspar, i37 = Barteus, Cas- 
par, 169 (notes) 

Barlovent, Isle of, 18 ; Islands of, 54 

Barlow, cited," I, liv 

Barrios, Daniel Levy de, cited, 162, 
163 (notes) 

Baruch, cited, 129 

Basle, 169 (notes) 

Bathsebah, Jacob = Jacob Basevi 

Schmieles, received title von Treu- 

enburg, 50, 160 (notes) 
Batueca, 39 
Bazalel, 75 

Beleeving Judas, 47 {see Alacron) 
Belmonte, Ishak, 150 (notes) 
Benhadad, King of Assyria, in 
Ben Jaefe, D., 49 
Benjamin, tribe of, 7, 36, 39, 40, 52, 

66, 70, 85 
Benjamin, R., cited, 32 
Benjamin of Tudela, 156 (notes) 
Benn, William, xlviii 
Benuenida, wife of Samuel Abarba- 

nel, 49, 159 
" Beresit Rabba," 36, 157 (notes) 
Bergarensis, Caspar, 25 
Berkshire, Earl of, Ixxiv 
Bermuda Company, xlvii 
Beruria, daughter of Rabbi Chanina 

ben Tradjon, wife of Rabbi Meir, 

133, 169 (notes) 
Bethar, 157 (notes) 
Bialloblotzky, cited, 155 (notes) 
" Bibliotheca Rabbinica," 134, 147 
Biddle, xl 
Blake, xl 
Blood Accusation, 108, 165 (notes), 

166, 167 (notes) ; the Pope de- 
clared false, in full Council, 102 
" Bloudy Tenent of. Persecution," 

Blumenthal, cited, 169 (notes) 
Bochardus, Samuel, 40 
Bochart, 169 (notes) 
Bodleian Library, xli 
Bohemian Jews, Ixx 
Bomberg, Daniel, famous Venetian 

printer, 160 (notes) 
Bondel, 169 (notes) 
Bondi, Abraham de, Ambassador for 

Alphonso II., 88 
Bordeaux, Ixxi 
Borja, St. Franciscus de, 25 
Boterus, 33 ; cited, 34, 49 
Boyle, Robert, 1 k. 
Bozara, 48 
Bozius, 54 

Brahe, Tycho, 169 (notes) 
Brasil, Seignory of, 91 
Brazil, xxxiii, xxxvii ; Negroes of, loi 

73) K 

In da 


Brazilians, 26 

Breiewood, Edw., 153 (notes) 

Breslau, Mart of, 38 

Bridge, William, xlviii 

Brightman, 58 

Brito, Abraham Israel de, Ixxxvi 

Brittaines of Bangor, 68 

Broughton, 68 ; cited, i6i (notes) 

Bruges, Ixviii, Ixxiii 

Biilkeley, 1 

Bulls on the Blood Accusation, 
Papal, 168 (notes) 

Burchmannus, Otto, Ambassador to 
Persia, 49, 50 

Burgos, Jews of, 90 

Busher, Leonard, xix, xxi ; " Reli- 
gious Peace," xviii 

Buxtorfius = Buxtorphius, 134, 136, 
157, 169 (notes) 

Cabala, The, 33 

Caceres, Jahocob de = Simon de 

Caceres, xxxvi, xxxvii, Ixvii, Ixxiii, 

Cadiz, xiv, Ixxi 
Ctesar, Augustus, 129, 130 
Ca;sar, Julius, 90 
Cajsarensis, Eusebius, cited, 131 
Caius, Emperor, 129, 131 
Callao = Collai, 155 (notes) 
" Calling of the Jewes, The," xxi 
Calvert, Thomas, 166 (notes) 
<-'alvinists, xviii 
Cambridge University, xlviii 
Canaan, 57 
Canaanites, 6, 54 

Cantipratensis, Thomas, cited, 115 
Captivity of Babylon, 41 , 43 ; First, 64 
Captivity, Roman, 93 
Caracas = Garracas, 155 (notes) 
Caribbean Sea, 154 (notes) 
Carlyle, xxix n, Ixiv « 
Carmoly, 156 (notes); cited, 159 

Caiter, John, xlviii 
Carthage, 19 
Carthaginians, 6, 18, 97 
Carthegenia = Cartagena, 12, 154 

Cartwright, Ebenezer, xx 
Cart Wright, Johanna, xx 


Cartwright Petition, xxi 

Carvajal, Antonio Fernandez = Abra- 
ham Israel Carvajal, xxxv, Ixii, 
Ixvii, Ixxiii, Ixxxvi 

Carybes Indians, 27 

Caryll, John, xlviii, 1. 

Caspian Sea, 38, 40, 152 (notes) 

Cassel, D. Paulus, 153 (notes), xliii 

Cassius, Dion, cited, 55 

Castellanus, Franciscus, 1 1 «. 

Castile, 91,93, 94, 97, 138 

Castoel, David, 85 

Castoel, Samuel, 85 

Castro, Balthasar Orobio de, xiii 

Castro, de, xv «., xxi, 151 ; cited, 
163 (notes) 

Castro, Henriques de, cited, 159 

Catherine of Aragon, xv 

Cazici, 16 ; Hebrew, 17 

Cazicus, Francis, 11 ?/., 12, 13, 14, 
15, 16, 17, 153 (notes) 

Chachapoyas, Province of, 24 

Chaldy Paraphrase, 43 ; Tar- 
gum {q.v.) 

Chalossi taken to Spam by de 
Quiros and died there, 26 

Chamfanfu, 29 

Chanan, 23 

Chanina ben Tradjon, Rabbi {see 

Chanut, xli n. 

Charles I., xx, xxiii 

Charles II., Ixx ; re-entered London, 
Ixxi ; under obligation to Jews, 
Ixxiii, Ixxiv 

Charles V., Emperor, 23, 33, 95, 96 

Charles, Infant, 51 

Chequiona, 30 

Chersonesus, the Golden, 19 

Chiefi, Cardinal de, 98 

Child, Sir Josiah, Ixxv, Ixxvi 

Chili, xxxvii 

Chiliast, 70 

Chillon, Isak Lopes, Ixxxvi 

Chilmead, xlii ; cited, 168 (notes) 

China, 20, 29, 31, 42 ; Hebrew 
settlements in, 155 (notes); Jews 
in, 15s (notes); people of, 6; 
tongue, 30 

Chineses, 30 




Chmielnicki, 162 (notes) 

Christian!, Pablo, 158 (notes) 

Christological Oath, Ixvii 

Chudworth, xlvii 

Chus, 40 

Chutuytu, Lake, 21 

Cicero cited, 135 

Cieza, Petrus = Pedro Ciega de Leon, 
cited, 22, 155 (notes) 

Cimedro, Alfonsus, a Jesuit, 30 

Civil War, xxiii, xxiv 

Clement VII., 94, 96 

Cleopatra, 130 

Clissa, 88 

Cobham, 142 

Coccejus, Joh., 157 (notes) 

Cochin, 162 ; Jews in, 85 

Cochini, King = King of Cochin, 50, 
159 (notes) 

Ccen, Rabbinus Josephus = Rabbi 
Joseph ben Meir the Sephardi = 
Cohon, 33, 155 (notes) 

Cohen, Aaron de David, 168 (notes) 

Coimbra, Marrano Archdeacon of, 

Colchester, xxi, 151 (notes) 

Collai = Callao, 21, 155 (notes) 

Collier, xliii n. 

Colombia, Republic of, 153 (notes); 
United States of, 154 (notes) 

Columbus, Christopher, xii, 17, 158 

Commonwealth of England, xv, 
xxxii, xli, III ; appeal to, in 
" Humble Addresses," xxxviii ; 
commercial interests of, xxxiii ; 
end of, Ixx, Ixxi ; notable gather- 
ing, xlvii ; Scotland, Ireland, 162 
(notes) ; declaration to the, 78 

" Conciliator," 146 

Conference, Whitehall {see White- 
hall Conference) 

Constantinople, 49 ; Jews in, 85, 
113 ; Synagogue of, 86 

Conversion of the Jews, considera- 
tions upon the point of the, 57, 
161 (notes) 

Conversionists, xl, xlii ; English, 
xxii, 168 (notes) 

Copley, xliii n. 

Copta, 91 

Cordier, Henri, 155 (notes) 
Cordilleras, xxiv, 6, 11 «., 25, 54, 153 

157 (notes) 
Cordova, Gonsalvo de, xiv 
Coronel, Augustin, xli, Ixxiii ; 

knighted, Ixxv 
Cortez, 17 

Cosaques killed Jews, 87 
Gosmo the Great, Duke of Florence, 

97 . . . 

Costa, da, xiv «., xli, 163, cited (notes) ; 

Isaac, 162 (notes) ; Joseph, 150 

(notes) ; Mendez, Ixxiii 

Council of Army Officers, xx 

Council of Mechanics, xix 

Council of State, xxi, xxxiv, xxxv, xiv, 
xlvi, xlvii, liv, Iv, Ixi, Ixv, Ixvi, 157 
(notes) ; " Hope of Israel" dedi- 
cated to, 3, 144 ; Menasseh's peti- 
tion sprung on, xlvi ; received 
copies of " Humble Addresses," 
xliv ; receives Robles's petition, 

Council of State's report, Ixxxiv 

Council of Trent, Ixxxi 

Cracow, Jews in, 87 

Craddock, Walter, xlviii 

Crawford, xxix n. 

Crequi, Marshal de, xiii 

Cressett, xlvii 

Cretensis, Elias = Elia del Medigo, 
50, 160 (notes) 

Critia, Plato's, 54 

Cromwell, Oliver, xvi, xx, xxxii, xxxiii, 
xxxv, xxxvi, xl, Ixvi ; action of, 
lii, Ivi ; adds members to the Con- 
ference, 1 ; adherents of, xlviii ; ad- 
mits Jews as citizens of one of the 
colonial dependencies of Great 
Britain, xxxvii ; assures London 
Marranos of his protection, Iviii ; 
best speech of, liii ; brings petition 
before Council, xliv ; campaign 
of, Ixxv ; dismisses conference, liv ; 
favours Jewish question, xiv, xlix ; 
gives monetary help to Menasseh, 
Ixix ; intentions of, lix ; laid down 
programme of proceedings at Con- 
ference, xlviii ; Menasseh's mission 
to, Ixxiii 
Cromwell, Henry, li, liv n. 



Cromwell, Richard, Ixxi, Ixxxvii 

Cromwell's Council issue invitation to 
Whitehall Conference, xlvi, Ixxxiv ; 
negotiations with Marranos, Ixii 

Crouch, lii 

Cruikshank, George, 167 (notes) 

Crypto-Jews, Ixv {^see Marranos) 

Cuba, 18, 153 (notes) 

Cunteus, 169 (notes) 

Cusco, Andes of, 24 

Customs, Commissioners of, Ixi 

Cuthah, 39 

Cyprus conquered by Nassi for the 
Turks, 159 (notes) 

Cyrus, 40 ; decree of, 129 ; proclama- 
tion of, 64 

Daab, cited, 169 (notes) 

Daghistan, Jews of, 151 (notes) 

Dalmatia, 88 

Damascus trials, the, 167 (notes) 

Dan, tribe of, 32 

Danita, Eldad = Eldad the Danite, 

33, 38, 156 (notes) 
Danites, 31 

Daphne of Antioch, 35 
Darius, 129 

Davis, Israel, cited, Ixvii 
Davis Strait, 20 

"De Civetate Dei Assentos," 130 
" De Cultu Imaginum contra Ponti- 

ficus Latine," 147 
" De disciplinus Rabbinorum," 147 
" De divinitate legis Mosaicas," 147 
" De fragilitate humana," 146 
"De Medico Hebrseo," 16 r (notes) 
" De Resurrectione mortuorum libri 

tres," 146 
"De Termino Vitas," 48, 146, 149 

(notes), 159 (notes) 
Demetrius, 128, 130 
" Demurrer," Ivii 

Denmark, King of, xxxvi, 51, 84, 89 
Dethick, xlvii 
Diana, 118 
" Die Jiidischen Frauen," 159 (notes) 

{see Benuenida) 
Diodorus, cited, 55 
Disraeli, Coningsby, descendant of 

Abarbanels on mother's side, 154 



Domus Conversorum, xi 

Dormido, David Abarbanel = Manuel 
Martinez Dormido, xxxii, xxxiii, 
xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xliv, xlv, Ixvii 

Dormido, Solomon, Ixvii 

Dorstius, William, cited, 136 

Dort, Conference at, 68 

Dover, xiv 

Draco, 98 

Drucker, Mordechai ben Moses, 1 5 1 

" Du Rappel des Juifs," Ixxx 

Duerus = Duero = Douro, 13, 154 

Duretu, Claudius, cited, 50 

Dury, John, xxii, xxiv, xxv «., xxvi «., 
xliii «.; at Cassel, xliii ; distributes 
Latin edition of " Hope of Israel" 
among leading Puritans, xxvii ; 
corresponds with Menasseh ben 
Israel, xxvi ; received Thorow- 
good's treatise, xxv, 67, 152 

Dutch, xxx, xxxiii 

Dutch East India Company, xxx 

Dwight, H. T., 162 (notes) 

Dyke, Daniel, xlviii 

East India, 54 

East India Company, Ixxv, Ixxvi, 88 

East India Company, Dutch, xxx 

East Indies, 19, 20 

Ecuador, 153 (notes) 

Edom, 53, 113 

Edward I., xi, Ivii, 142, 166 (notes) ; 
Edict of banishment of Jews, xv 

Edwards, author of " Gangrena," xix 

Egypt, Ixxviii, 40, 42, 44, 45, 49, 53, 
87; inundations of, 55; Joseph in, 
44 ; kings of, 90 ; pasha of, has 
Jewish treasurer (see Alhulu), 1 59 
(notes) ; river of, 41 ; Saladin, 
King of, 50 

Egyptian, loi 

Egyptius, Moses = Moses Maimoni- 
des, 45, 158 (notes) 

Ehrentheil, cited, xiii n. 

Elah {see Hosea or Hoshea), 29, 44 

Elam, 40 

"Eldad Ha-Dani," 156 (notes) 

Eleazar, 130 



Elhazar, 49 

Eliezer, David ben, xxxvii n. 

Eliot, John, xxiv, 152 (notes), 166 

Elisha, 64 

Elizabeth, Queen, xiv, xv, 159 (notes), 
166 (notes) 

Emanuel, King of Portugal, 51, 94, 
95, 97, 163 (notes) ; cruelty of, 99 

Embassies in London, xl ; in Hol- 
land, xl 

"Emek Habacha," 163 (notes) 

I'Empereur, Constantine, 35, 156 

England, banishments of, 46 

Enrique, Don, 163 (notes) 

Ephraim, 41, 42, 69, 70; Tribe of, 

Epicureans, 125 
Epiphanius, 76 
Episcopius, 169 (notes) 
Epstein, cited, 1 56 (notes) 
Erzilla, Alonsus de = Alonzo d'Ercilla 

y Zuniga, 24 ; cited, 155 (notes) 
" Esdras," 37 ; cited, 56 ; quoted by 

Genebrardus, 20 
" Esperanza de Israel," 1 52 (notes) ; 

cited, 155 (notes), 157 (notes) 
Espinosa, Michael, 150 (notes) 
Esquilache, 25 
Essex, Earl of, xiv 
I'Estrange, Sir Hamon, 152 (notes) 
Estrozi, Seignor Philip, 96 
Ethiopia, 6, 34, 40 ; Ten Tribes, 156 

(notes) ; Ethiopian ships, 34 {^see 

Eucharistical sacrifices, 130 
Euphrates, 20, 35, 39, 40, 41, 44, 

Eurgetes, Ptolomy, 130 
Europe, 6, 21, 35, 42, 82 ; Menasseh 

has friendships with eminent men 

of, 137 
Eusebius, cited, 55 
Evelyn, John, Ivi 
Everard the Leveller, xxi 
Expulsion of Jews, Ivii, 154 (notes) ; 

from England, xi ; from Spain, 

xiv, 163 (notes) 
Ezion-Geber, 19 
Ezra, Aben, cited, 109 
Ezras, 136 


Fagius, 161 (notes) 

Fairclough, Samuel, xlviii 

Fairfax, Lord, xx 

Falashas of Abyssinia, 156 (notes) 

Famian, 47 

Fano, Lord Joseph de, Marquis de 
Villependi, 87 

Farisol or Peretsol, Abraham = Ab- 
raham Frisol Orchotolam, author 
of "Orchat 01am," 156 (notes) 
(see Frisol) 

Famambuc = Pernambuco, 25, 28, 48, 
155 (notes) (see Fernambuc) 

Farnesia (see Paul IIL), 94 

Faro, Abraham Enriques, 1 50 (notes) 

Felgenhauer, xxv, xxxviii, xxxix, 
Ixxix, 161 (notes), 169 (notes) 

Felibert, Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, 


Ferdinand, xi, 51, 91, 93, 102, 138; 
King, 94 ; Bathsebah knighted 
under reign of, i6o ; of Naples, 154 
(notes) ; Emperor, 160 (notes) ; 
of Spain, 39 

Ferdinandus, 17 

Ferrara = Ferrare = Ferraria, 87 ; 
Alphonso IL, Duke of, 88 ; Her- 
cules, Duke of, 34, 97, 163 (notes) 
(see Usque) 

Fez, King of, 91 

Fifth Monarchy men, xv, xxi 

Finch, Sergeant, xxi 

Finicus, Marcilius, cited, 54 

P'irth, cited, xx n. 

Firuz, 31 

" Flavins Josephus adversus Apio- 
nem," 147 

Flemburgh, log 

Florence, Duke of (see Cosmo the 
Great), 97 

Forbes, 68 

Founders of the Protectorate, xlvii 

Foxe, John, 165 (notes) ; cited, 166 

" Fragmenta Sacra," 68 

France, xxix, Ixii, Ixxiii, Ixxx, 33, i66 
(notes) ; banishments of, 46 ; King 
of, 124 ; Philip of, 51 ; Loysia de 
Medici, 50 

Francis L of France, 33 

Franciscus de Borgia, St., 25 



Franco, Abraham, 1 50 (notes) 
Frankenberg, Abraham, a Silesian 

mystic, Ixxx, 149 (notes), 169 

Frankfort, Franckfurt, 151 (notes); 

Jews in, 86 
Frederick, Emperor, cited, 115 
Frisol, Rabbi Abraham, cited, 34, 38 

{see Farisol) 
Fullana, Nicholas de Ohver y, xiii 
Fuller, xxi n., xxii, xxvii 

Gabbai, Jedidjah Ibn, 151 (notes) 

Gad, tribe of, 29 

Galatine, Peter, 72 

Galilee, 29 

Ganges, 38, 39 

Garcias, 23 

Gardiner, xxix, xxx, Iviii, Ixxxiv 

Garracas, 23 

Garzoni, Thomas, 50 

Gath, 12s 

Gawz, R. David = David Gans, 136, 
169 (notes) 

Gazim, 125 

Gehazi, 64 

Geluckstadt, 84 

Genebrardus, 20, 2 1 

Geneva, xvii, xviii ; Jews go to, 145 

" Geographic du Talmud," 153 

Gerizim, Mount, 128 

German- Austrian Beast, the, 57 

Germany, Jews in, 77, 86 ; usury in, 

Gerona, birthplace of Gerundensis, 
157 (notes) 

Gerundensis, R. Moses = Moses ben 
Nachman = Nachmanides = Ram- 
ban, 157 (notes) ; cited, 37, 45 

Gibbs, 163 (notes) 

Gibeonites, the, 1 1 1 

Gilead, 69 ; Hazor-Gilead, 29 

" Glory of Jehudah and Israel, The," 
Ixxx, 103 

Glynne, Sir John, xlvii, xlix 

Gog, Battle of, 44 ; War of, 43, 52 

Golden Chersonesus, the, ig 

Golden Land, the, 19 

Goleta, 95 

Gomara, cited, 54 {see Gomoras) 

Gomaza, 22 

Gomez, Antonio Enriquez, 1 58 (notes); 

Gomez, Gabriel, agent for King of 

Denmark, 89 
Gomoras = Francisco Lopes de Go- 
mara, 20, 21, 154 (notes) 
Gonzales, Abraham Coen, Ixxxvi 
Goodwin, xlvii, 1 
Gorion, Joseph ben = Gorionides, 1 28, 

129, 166 (notes) 
Goropius, 53 

Gozan, 37-38 ; river, 32, ^2, 38, 39 
Gracias, Gregorius, 22 
Graetz, cited, xii, xiii, xiv, xxiii, xxvii, 

xxxvii, xxxix, lix, Ixx, 154-162 

(notes), 169 (notes) 
Grammaticus, Elias = Elias Levita, 

50, 160 (notes) 
Granada, 93 
Grecians, 7 

Greece, Monarch of, 131 
Greenland, 20 

Grotius, Hugo, 20, 169 (notes) 
Guainacapacus, 22 
Guamanga, 22 
Guariaga= Indians living near river 

of that name, 25 ; River, 24, 25 
Guatemala, Indians of, 23 
Guayaquil, 153 (notes) 
Guinea, negroes of, loi 
Giinsburg, cited, 161 (notes) 
Guppy, H. B., cited, 155 (notes) 
Guz, 37 

Habor, 33, 39 

Habyssins, 34; kingdom of the = 

Abyssinia, 34, 40 
Hadrian, 157 (notes) 
Hagarens, the, 125 
Haggai, 136 
Haghe, the= Hague, the, xxiv, xxxi, 


Halah, 33, 39 

Hal(5vy, cited, 156 (notes) 

Hamath, 40, 41 

Hamborough, 116 

Hamburg, 89, 100 ; Bank, xxx ; Jews 
at, 49 ; Marranos founded congre- 
gations at, xiv 

Hamburger, cited, 153 (notes), 156 
(notes), 158 (notes) 




Hamchen, 30 

Hara, 39 

Hartlib, Samuel, 63 

Havana, 1 53 (notes) 

Hazor-Gilead, 29 

Hebrseus, Jacobus Resales, Ixxx 

Hebraism of English religious 

thought, XV 
Hebrew Cazici, 17 
Hebrew tongue, the, 47 
Hebrews, 7 ; laws and customs of 

the, 22 
Heliodorus, 128 
Henrique, Don, 90 
Henry Vni., XV 

Hercules, Duke of Ferraria, 34, 55, 97 
Herrera, Alonzo de, xiv ; cited, 56 
Heschel, Rabbi Joshua ben Jacob, 

xxxvii n. 
Heseah, cited, 131 
Hierome, S., iig 
Hierusalem, 26 
Hijah, Abraham bar Ribi = Abraham 

ben Chijahha-Nasi of Barcelona, 

45, 158 (notes) 
Hindostan, Jewish settlers in, xii 
" Hippocratis Aphorismi," 147 
Hircanus, High Priest, 129 
Hirsch, cited, 169 (notes) 
Hispaniola, 23 
" Historia sive continuatio Flavii 

Josephi," 147 
" History of the Jews," 5 1 
Hoffmann, cited, 169 (notes) 
Holland, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xxxiii, Ixii, 

Ixxiii, 82, 100, 120, 137 ; embassies 

in, xl ; Jews of, 77, 83 ; Royalist 

spies in, xviii 
Holmes, Nathaniel, xxv, xxvi, Ixxx, 

Holstace, 89 

Holstein, Duke of, 49, 50 
Holy Land, 41, 42, 66, 163 (notes), 

{see Usque) 
Holy Mount at Jerusalem, 44 
Holy Office, Tribunals of, xiii 
Honan, 29 
Honda, 11 «., 12, 16; Port, 153 

(notes) {see Bahia Honda) 
Hoornbeek, John, 114; cited, 136, 167 



" Hope of Israel, The," xvii, xviii, 
xxvi, xxxix, Ixxviii, 7, 17, 65, 144, 
149-154 (notes), 157 (notes), 164 
(notes), 167 (notes) ; translated 
into Dutch, Spanish, Judeo-Ger- 
man, Hebrew, 151 (notes) 

Hord-Jerida, 31 

Hord of Naphtali, 31 

Howell, James, 166 (notes) 

Huarte, Johannes, 54 

Huet, 169 (notes) 

" Humas," 146 

" Humble Addresses, The," xxxvi, 
xxxviii, xl, xlii, xliv, xlv, 73, 75, 
128, 160, 162, 167 (notes); cited, 
169 (notes) ; Bibliographical note, 
l6i (notes) 

Hungaria, 18 

Huns, 32 

Huza, Elhazar, 85 

Hyde, Thomas, 156 (notes) 

"I AD A RAZAKA" = "Yad Hacha- 

zaka" = Mishneh Torah, 109, 167 

laes, Jacob ben, Governor of Tiberi- 

ades, 86 {see Jachya, Ibn) 
Ian, David, 85 
Idumean, loi 
lecells, I saac = probably Asher ben 

Joseph of Cracow, 87, 162 (notes) 
Ijon, 29 

Inde Maienses, Province of, 25 
Independents, xix, xlviii ; extreme, 

XX ; Messianic beliefs held by, 

xxi ; rise of, xviii 
India, 15, 19, 20, 21, 26, 33, 41, 50, 

162 (notes); Jews in, 85 ; Upper, 


Indian, 154 (notes) 

Indian Company, West, xxx, 88 

Indian Sea, 19 

Indians, 6, 17, 22, 28, 38, 54, 56; 
American, xxiv; Carybes, 27 ; 
countries of the, 24 ; first baptized 
and then murdered by Spaniards, 
113; forced to swear fealty to King 
of Spain, 25 ; of Guatemala, 23 ; 
of Jucatan, 22 ; of New Spain and 
Peru, 18, 23 ; of Oronoch, 27 ; of 
Peru, 23 




Indies, East, 19, 20 ; Inquisition in 
the, 28 ; Spaniards dwelling in 
the, 20 

Indies, West, xxxvi, 19, 40, 53 ; 
cities and provinces of, 28 

Ingrarn, Robert, 151, 152 (notes) 

Inquisition, The, xii, xxxiii, xxxiv, 
Ixiv, Ixv, Ixxiii, Ixxviii, 51, 83, 94, 
95, 114, 164 (notes); calamities of 
the, 48 ; in the Indies, 28 ; Portu- 
guese, 163 (notes) ; Spanish, 47, 
82, 138 

Inquisitors make King and Queen 
of Spain take an oath to up- 
hold the Catholic faith in their 
dominions at an "act of the faith," 

Isabel, 51 

Isabel Island=Isle of Solomon, 155 

Isabel of Spain, 39 

Isabella, xi, 91, 93, 102, 138, 154 

Isaiah, Paul, xlii 

Islands of the Sea, 40, 41 

Islands of the West, 41 

Ismael, 113 

Israel, 69 ; redemption of, 52 ; return 
of to their country, 45 

Israel, Menasseh ben(j^tfMenasseh) 

Israel, Samuel ben, Ixix 

Israelites of the Tribe of Reuben, 

Israelitish Senate, 118 

Italia, Salom, Jewish line-engraver, 
executed portrait of Menasseh ben 
Israel, 149 (notes) 

Italy, xvii, 33, 82, 87, 100, 117, 120, 
137 ; Jews go to, 145 ; Jews in, 
77, 83 ; Princes of, 50, 51, 96, 121 ; 
Princes of Italy declare IJlood 
Accusation false, 102 

Jachya, Ibn = Ben Jaese, 159 (notes) 
Jacob, Eliakim ben, 155 (notes) 
Jacobs, Joseph, 152 (notes), cited; 

165 (notes) 
Jaes, Jacob Aben, Duke of Mytilene 

= Alvaro Mendez = Don Solomon, 

uncle of Joseph Nasi, 47, 159 

(notes) {see Jachya, Ibn) 


Jaese, D. ben, 49, 159 (notes) 

Jalcut, 36, 157 (notes) 

Jamaica, xxxi, xxxvii 

James I. imprisons publisher of 
" The Calling of the Jews," xxi 

Jan, David, 49 {see Ian) 

Japhe, R. Mardochus, cited, 37, 157 

Jarchi, Selomoh = R. Solomon b. 
Isaac of Troyes = Rashi, cited, 37, 
45, 157 (notes) 

Jarguasongo, province of, 25 

Jechoniah, 64 

Jechonias, 129 

Jellinelc, cited, 169 (notes) 


Jerida=Hord, 31 

Jeroboam, King of the Tribe of 
Ephraim, 43 

Jerome, 42 

Jerusalem, 39, 40, 42, 43, 52, 53, 61, 
62, 64, 76, 102, 125, 128, 129, 130 ; 
daughter of, 69 ; destruction of, 
59, 65 ; Holy Mount at, 44 ; Isaac 
Jeshurum died at, 117; New, 67 ; 
people of, 35 {see Agrippa's Ora- 

"Jerusalem Talmud," 35 

"Jerusalem Targum," 155 (notes) 

" Jerushalmi, The," 157 (notes) 

Jeshurun, Isaac, tortured and im- 
prisoned on Blood Accusation, 116, 
150, 168 (notes) 

Jeshurum, Joseph, brother of Isaac, 

Jessey, Henry, xxii, xxviii, xli, xlviii, 
xlix, hi, liii «., Ixxx, Ixxxi, 103 

Jessop, xliv 

Jesuits, xii, 38 ; erected colleges in 
Tartary and China, 29 

Jewish Quarterly Review, c\ied, 152, 
155, 163 (notes) 

Jewish question, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, 
xxxiii, xlvi, li, Ixix, Ixxii ; nation, 84, 
loi ; nation in Holland and Italy, 
83 ; Sabbath, 37 

Jews, admission of, as citizens of one of 
the colonial dependencies of Great 
Britain, xxxvii ; at Hamburg, 49 ; 
cemetery, petition signed, Ixvii ; 
emigration of Spanish, 154 (notes) ; 



fidelity of the, 93 ; in Persia, 49, 

50, 85 ; in Spain, 164 (notes) ; 

kingdom of tlie, 38 ; of Morocco, 

163 (notes) 
Jisbia, 27 
Jochai, R. Simon ben, cited, 93 {see 

Jochai, R. Simon ben, 163 (notes) 
Johanan, Rabbi, cited, 35, 156 (notes) 
Johay, Rabbi Simeon ben, author of 

"Zoar," disciple of Akiba, 45, 158 

John, Don, 95 
John II., 51 (see Alonsius) 
John III., 94 
John, Oliver St., xlvii, 1 1 1 ; mission, 

XXX, xxxi, xxxviii 
Joktan, father of Ophir, 18 
Jonah, Rabbi, 34 
Jonathan, cited, 135 
Jones, Colonel, Ixi, Ixiii, Ixv 
Joppa, 19 

Joseph, House of, 69 
Josephus, 7, 19 ; cited, 29, 35-39 ; 

54, 119, 120; 128-131 ; 135, 138 
" Josephus Flavius," Menasseh's con- 
tinuation, 115 
Jucatan, 18 ; Indians of, 22 
Judah, House of, 69 ; tribe of, 7, 36, 

29-42, 52, 66, 69, 85 
Judah, Rabbi, the Prince, 1 56 (notes) 

{see Rabbi Johanan) 
Judaical Sects, xxi, xxii 
Judaisers, xxix 

Judas, Beleeving, 47 {see Alacron) 
Judea, 126 
Julius III., 96 
Junquera, Santiago Perez, 151 (notes), 

152 (notes) 
Jurnin, 112 
Juvenal, cited 135, 

Kalicout, 38 

Karis, Rabbi Judah Aben = Rabbi 
Judah ben Koraisch, 34, 1 56 (notes) 
Karpeles, cited, 161 (notes) 
Kayserling, xiii «., xxiii «., xxvii «., 

lxix«. ;cited,isr,i53, I54,'.i58,i59. 
160, 162, 163, 164, 169 (notes), 
Kiffen, William, xlvii 

Kimhi, Rabbi David, cited, 34, 156 

Klemperer, cited, 169 (notes) 
Knevett, Francis, Ixi, Ixiii, Ixv 
Knight of San Miguel, xiii {see 

"Koheleth," 161 (notes) 
Kolomi, Abraham, 50, 72 
Kosi, Rabbi Moseh de, cited, 141 

" La Araucana," 155 (notes) 

Laban, 56 

Labrador, 20, 21 

Lacedemonians, 97 

Lacto, de, 20, 56 

Lagus, Ptolemy's father, 127 

Lambert, John, xlvii, 1 

Lamik, 38 

Laodicea, city of, 55 

Latins, 7 

" Laus Orationes del Anno," 146 

Lavcrence, Henry, xlvii, 1, Ixxxiv 

Lebanon, 70 

Lee, S. L., xiv n. 

Leghorn, Ixxi ; Hebrew bankers of, 


Leon, Pedro Cie9ade = Petrus Cieza, 

155 (notes) 
Leopold, Emperor, xiii 
Lescarbotus, 54 
Lethuania, Jews in, 87 
Levant, xiv, 82, 97, 167 (notes) ; 

Jewish settlers of, xii ; trade of, 


Levellers, xxi, xxix 

Levita, Elias = Elias Grammaticus, 

1 60 (notes) 
Levy, Aaron = Antonio de Monte- 

zinos, xxiv 
Levy, cited, 159, 160, 169 (notes) 
Levy, Rev. S., cited, 1 n. 
Lewenclavius, 32 
"Libellus Anglicus," 161 (notes) 
Licurgus, 98 
Ligorne, 82 
Lima, 48 

Lima, David de, 89 
Linschotes, cited, 50 
Lisbon, Ixxi, 47, 48, 99, 117 
Lisborn, 37 
Lisle, John, xlvi, xlvii 


Lloyd, li 

" Loci Communes Omnium Mid- 
rasim," 147 

Loet, cited, 162 (notes) 

London, xxxi ; City authorities of, 
Ixvii ; Embassies in, xl ; Jews in, 
Ixxiii ; Judaical sects in, xxii ; 
Mananos of, xi^■, xxx, xxxv, xxxvi, 
Iviii ; Menasseh's arrival in^ xxxvii ; 
Menasseh's son sent to persuade 
him to come to, 36 ; merchants 
of, Ixxvi ; return of Charles II. 
to, Ixxi ; " Vindiciae Judaeorum " 
written in, 145 

Lopes, Roderigo, xiv, xv, 159 (notes) 

Lord President, xlvii 

Lost Tribes, the, xxiv, 153 (notes), 
(j^^ "Thorn Tree") 

Low Countries, 88 

Lubin = Lubhn, 38, 158 (notes) 

Lublin, xxxvii n. ; Jews in, 87 

Lunel, 157 (notes) 

Lusitano, Amatus, brother of Elias 
Montalbo, 86, 160 (notes) 

Luther, cited, 55 

Luxa, 25 

Maccabees, first book of, cited, 

128 ; history of the, 62 
Maccia, Duke of= Joseph Nasino, 

Machado, cited, 162 (notes) 
Madrid, 26, 51, 117, 151 (notes) 
Magog, battle of, 44 ; w;ar of, 43, 52 
Mahomitans, 37 ; Jewish captivity 

under the, 113 
Maimon, R. Moses bar = Maimon- 

ides, physician to Saladin of Egypt, 

50 ; wTote "Yad Hachazaka," cited, 

63, 156 (notes), 167 (notes), 168 

Mainenses, 25 
Mairel, 86 
Maisel, Mardocheas or Mordecai, 

knighted by Emperor Matthias, 

50, 160 (notes) 
Malvenda, 20 
Manasseh, tribe of, 29 
Manton, Thomas, xlviii 
Mantua, 33, 51 ; the besieging of, 

91 ; Jews in, 87 


Manuel, Don, King of Portingal, 28 ; 
of Portugal, 158 (notes) 

J\Iaragnon = Maraiion = Amazon, 24, 
25> 27, 155 (notes) 

Margareta, province of, 25 

Margarita, Antonius = Aaron Mar- 
galita, 136, 169 (notes) 

Maria de Medicis, 160 (notes) 

Maria, Infanta, xiii 

Mariana, 90 

Marianus, cited, 54 

Marracco, King of, 49 

Marrocco, 88 

Marranos = New Christians or Cryp- 
to-Jews ; derivation of name un- 
certain, probably a conuption of 
"Maranatha"; remain in Spain 
after expulsion of Jews ; influence 
on the history of Europe, xii, xiii, 
xxxiii, xxxvi, Ix, Ixii, Ixiii, Ixiv, Ixviii ; 
aim against privileges of, Ixi; 
London, xxxv, 1, lii, Iviii, Ixviii ; 
London Marranos's petition, Ixxxv ; 
petition for burial-ground, Ixvi ; of 
Portugal, xxxix ; reach England, 
xiv, sign Robles's petition, Ixv ; 
of Spain, xxxix ; some London, 
known to Cromwell, xxx, 152, 155, 
170 (notes) 

Mart of Breslau, 38 

Martha, St., 18 

Martyr, Justin, cited, 120 

Matthias, Emperor, 50, 86 

Maurice, Prince, 49 

Mauritania, 141 

Mede, cited, 68 

Media, 6, 35, 39, 40, 42 ; mountains 

Medicis, Duke Cosmus de=Duke 

of Toscani, 49 
Medicis, Loysia de. Queen of France, 

Medicis, Maria de, 160 (notes) 
Medigo, Eha del = Elias Cretensis, 

160 (notes) 
Mediterranean, 19 ; Jewish refugees 

on coasts of, xi ; Sea, 44 
Meetabel, son of Matadel, 21 
Meir, R., 133, 169 (notes), {see 

Melbourne, 162 (notes) 



Meldola, Prof. Raphael, 160 (notes) 
Menasseh ben Israel, Rabbi of 
Amsterdam, author of " Spes 
Israelis" and other works; son 
of Marrano of Lisbon ; educated 
under care of Rabbi Isaac Uziel ; 
became Rabbi at age of eighteen ; 
accomplished linguist, writer, and 
preacher ; married into the Ab- 
arbanel family, xxii, xxiii, xxxiii, 
xlv, Ixviii, Ixxxvi, 6, 69, 71, 
157 (notes), 161 (notes), 169 
(notes) ; arrives in London, xxxvii ; 
campaign of, Ixxv ; catalogue of 
books of, 146 ; Christian friends 
of, 169 (notes) ; connection with 
members of the St. John Mission, 
xxxi ; contemporary with Sadler, 
167 (notes) ; death of, Ixix ; De- 
claration to the Commonwealth of 
England, 78 ; " De Creatione," 
169 (notes) ; demands presented 
to Cromwell, Ixxxiii ; " De Ter- 
mino VitK," 149 (notes); for- 
mally opens negotiations with the 
Government of the Common- 
wealth, xliv ; " Hope of Israel," 
xxvi, 65 ; dedication of " Hope of 
Israel " to Parliament and Council 
of State, 3 ; " Humble Addresses " 
printed, xxxviii, 73, 75, 162 (notes) ; 
close of " Humble Addresses," 
103 ; invited to England by Crom- 
well, xxxvi ; letter, Ixxvii ; letter 
to Duiy, Ixxviii ; letter to Felgen- 
hauer, Ixxix, 163 (notes) ; Mission 
to Cromwell, xvi, Ixxiii ; motives 
of his English supporters, 161 
(notes) ; negotiations with Thur- 
loe, xxxii ; petition not favoured 
by the clergy, xlvi ; petition sprung 
on Council, xlvi ; petition to Crom- 
well, Ixxxvi, Ixxxvii ; his portraits, 
149 (notes) ; Menasseh 's proposals 
read, xlviii ; Menasseh's reply to 
Prynne and Ross, " Vindicias 
Judaeorum," Ixiii ; sends Dormido 
to England, xxxiii ; signs petition, 
Ixii ; Menasseh's sojourn in Lon- 
don, 165 (notes) ; Menasseh's 
summary of the Thirteen Articles 

of Faith, 168 (notes) ; Menasseh's 
"Vindicia: Judffiorum," 105 ; wife 
of, 1 54 (notes) ; with relation to 
the Ten Tribes, 152 (notes) 
Menda, Nathaniel, 165 (notes), 166 

Mendana, 155 (notes) 
Mendez, Alvaro = Jacob Aben Jaes, 49 
Mercado, Abraham de, xxxvi, xxxvii 
Mercado, Raphael de, xxxvii 
Messiah, xxiii, xxv, xxvi, Ixxviii, 
Ixxix, 7, 45, 46, 52, 53, 63, 79, 118, 
124 ; son of David, 43, 44 ; son 
of Ephraim, 43 ; son of Joseph, 
43, 44 ; Bar-Cochba, the Pseudo, 
157 (notes) 
Messianic beliefs, xxi, xxviii 
Meursius, 169 (notes) 
Mexico, 22, 23, 48 
Michael, Isle of St., 21, 55 
Michesius, Joannes = D. Josephus 

Nassi, 49 
Middelburg, Ixix, i 50 (notes) 
Middlesex, E. S., xxvii n. 
Middleton, General, Ixxviii 
" Midras Rabba," cited, 141 
" Midrash, The," cited, 153 (notes) 
Millenarians, xxiii, xxv, xxvii, xxix, 

xl, 67, 70 
Millennium, xxxi, xxxiii 
Milum, Lord of=D. Josephus Nassi, 

Mirandola, Pico de, 50, 160 (notes) 
" Mishna, The," 156 (notes) 
Mochingerius, Joh., Ixxx, 169 (notes) 
Modena, Leo de, xHi, 168 (notes) 
Modena, State of, 88 
Modina, Duke of, 85 
Mohanes = magicians = American- 
Indian medicine men, 28, 56, 154 
Molho, SeIomoh = Diogo Pires, 33, 

156 (notes) 
" Monarchia Ecclesiastica," 120 
Monarchia Ingasonum, 22 
Monarchies, The Four, 45, 46 
Monarchy Men, Fifth, xv, xxi 
Monk, xl, Ixxiii 

Montalto, Elias = Felipe Montalto = 
Eliahu de Luna Montalto = Don 
Philipe Rodrigues, 50, 160 (notes) 



Montanas, Arias, 18 

Montezinos, Antonio de = Aaron 

Levy, xxiv, xxvii, 6, 12, 15, 17, 20, 

27, 28, 54, 56, 151, 153, i54(notes) ; 

goes with Cazicus, 13 ; relates his 

story, 1 1 
Montezinos, Ludovicus, 12 
Montfort, Marquis of, xiii 
Moorish domination in Spain, 158 

Moors, 39 
Mores, the, 94, 98 
Morines, 91 

Morocco, 127, 141, 156 (notes) 
Mortara, cited, 159 (notes) 
Morvyn, 166 (notes) 
Moses, R., of Egypt, 109, no, 123, 

125, 140 ; cited 
Miinster, 157 (notes), 161 (notes) 
Mussaphia, D.Benjamin = Dionysius 

Mussaphia, physician and Rabbi, 

50, 159 (notes) 
Mysketa, 37 

Naccia=D. Josephus Nassi, 49 

Nachman, Moses ben, 157 (notes), 
{see Gerundensis) 

Nahomi, 102 

Naphtali, Hord of, 31 ; war with 
Zeno, 31 

Naphtali, tribe of, 32 

Naphtalites, 32 ; war with Zeno, 31 

Naples, 49 

Nasi, Donna Gracia, 159, 163 (notes) 

Nassi, Don Josephus = Joannes 
Michesius, nephew and son-in- 
law of Bienvenide Abravanela, 49, 
86, 159 (notes) 

Nation of the Jews, 90 

National Conference, xlvi 

Navigation Act, xxx, xxxi, xxxii, xli, 

Naylor, James, xl 

Nazarenus, Eli = Francisco Meldo- 
nado de Silva, turned Jew, was 
burnt at Lima, 48, 158 (notes) 

Nebuchadnezzar, 40, 42, 51, 76, 129, 
141 ; dream of, 75 ; image of, 52, 

Nebuchadnezzar's tree, 59 

Nehamias, Himanuel, 170 (notes) 


Nephussim, 52 

Nero, Id, 130 

Netherlands, xxx, xxxiii 

Neubauer, Dr. A., cited, 152 (notes), 

153 (notes) 
Neve, Le, Ixxv 
New Africa, 34 

New Christians or Marranos, xii 
New Exchange, xxxvii 
" New Model," xix 
New Spain, 18, 22, 31, 54 ; Indians 

of, 18, 23 ; Ten Tribes in, 20 
New World, xiv ; inhabitants of, 6 
Newcomen, xlviii, xlix 
Nicanor, 128 
Nicaraguazenses, 22 
Nicholas, Sir Edward, xxii, xli ; cited, 

Nicolay, Nicholas de, cited, 162 

Nieupoort, cited, xli «., Ix n. 
Nile, The, 19,34,39,41,44 
Nisa, 84 
Nisebor, 32 
" Nismachaim," 146 
Nizza, 82 
" Nomenclator Hebraius and Arabi- 

cus," 147 
" Nomologia," 163 (notes) 
North Sea, 21 
Norway, 6, 54 
Norwich, 112, 166 (notes) 
Nova Granada, 24 
Novae Angliae, Ixxxi 
Nuevos Christianos {see Marranos), 

lix, Ixi 
Nye, Philip, xlviii, xlix, 1 

Og, 57 

Ogay, 29 

Ojeda, 153 (notes) 

Omeguas, 23 

Onias, the High Priest, 76, 128 

Onkelos, cited, 135 

Ophir, 19, 53, 54 ; son of Jokton, 18 

" Orationes Panegyricae," 146 

" Orchot 01am," 38, 156 (notes) 

Orchotolam, Abraham Frisol = Abra- 
ham Farisol or Peretsol, author of 
" Orchot Olam," 33, 1 56 (notes) 

Origen, 54 ; cited, 55 



Ornstein, Rev. A. F., 162 (notes) 

OrcEnsis, 30 

Oronoch, the Indians of, 27 

Orosius, cited, 55 

Orpa, 103 

Orsna, Petrus de, killed by Aquine, 

Oitelius, 31 ; cited, 33, 53, 54 
Osorius, Hieronymus, 28 ; cited, 98, 

99, 100, 138, 163 (notes) 
Otteman race, 52 
Ottoman family, 97 
Owen, Dr., xxix, xlviii 
Oxford University, xlviii 

Pack, Sir Christopher, xlvii, li 

Padua, 50, 160 (notes) ; Jews in, 87 ; 
Mounts of Piety at, 101 

Palache, Seignor Moseh, 88, 163 

" Palaorama," 1 53 (notes) 

Palatine, Prince, 28 

Palaxe, Samuel, 49, 159 (notes) 

Paliciano, Monsegnor Monte, 95 

Pampelona, 24 

Panama, 18, 31 

Para, Great, 27 

" Parasa Aazinu," 37 

Paris, Matthew, cited, 112 

Paris, Parliament of, 97 

Parisius, Cardinal, cited, 96 

Pariiament, of England, 157 (notes) ; 
dedication of " Hope of Israel " to, 
3, 144 ; dedication of Latin edi- 
tion of " Hope of Israel " to, xxvi ; 
Long, Iviii ; pamphlet, probably 
read in, xxvii ; of Paris, 97 

Parthia, 40 

Parvaim, 18 

Pathros, 40 

Paul III. of the House of Farnesia, 

94, 9S> 96 
Paul IV., Pope of Rome, 98 
Paul's, St., Cathedral, xli ; Church, 

Paz, Enriquez de, xiii 
Paz, Seignor Duarte de, 95 
Pedro the Cruel, Don, 90, 163 (notes) 
Pckft 20 

Pelham's "Jew Bill," xx 
Pelu, 19 

Pelusium, 40 

" Pene Rabba," 146 

Pequin, 29 

Pequinenses, 29 

Perasach, 36 

Pernambuco, xxxiii, xxxvii 

Peroza, 31 

Persia, 32, 39, 40, 42 ; Kings of, 31 ; 

Monarch of, 131 
Persians, 32 
Peru, 18, 20, 22, 24, 25, 31, 53, 54, 

153 (notes); Indians of, 23; 

chronicles of, 22 
Pesria, Guebia ben, 141 
Peters, Hugh, xix, xxviii, xl, xliii, 1, lix 
Petition, for burial-ground, Ixvi ; to 

repeal " Statute of Banishment " 

against Jews, xx 
Petra, 40 
Petronius, 129 

Peyrfere, laac la, 168 (notes) 
Pharaoh, 76 
Pharaonica, Isle, 55 
Phenicians, 6 

Phes, Governors of, 49 (see Rutes) 
Philadelphus, Ptolomeus, 124, 130 
Phihp II., King of Spain, 91 
Philip III., 26 
Philip, King of France, 51 
Philo, 129; cited, 130, 131, 135 
" Philosophia Rabbinica," 147 
" Phocylides," 147 
Pickering, Sir Gilbert, xlvi, xlvii 
" Piedra Gloriosa," 149 (notes) 
" Piedra Pretiosa," 146 
Pineda, Thomas de, Marrano Jesuit 

Father, xiii ; cited, 54, 120 
Pinto, Mosseh, 170 (notes) 
Pires, Diogo {see Molcho), 156 (notes) 
Pisarrus, Gonzalus, 24 
Pizarrus, Franciscus, 17 
Placentia, 39 
" Plain Dealing," Ixvi 
Plancius, 130 
Plato, 54 

Pliny, 20; cited, 37, 55 
Plutarch, 55, 58; cited, 118, 127 
Pocock, cited, 149 (notes), i59(notes) 
Poland, xxxix ; Jews in, xlv, Ixx, 77, 

87 ; King of, Henry of Anjou 

elected, 159 (notes) ; usury in, 120 



Polonians, 38 

Pomis, David de, 50, 160 (notes) 

Ponipey, 76, 1 30 ; end of, 5 1 

Pope, the, 33, 94 ; receives Reiibeni, 
155 (notes) ; declares Blood Accu- 
sation false, 102 ; Paul IV., 9S ; 
Sextus \'., 50 

Porarius, 54 

Porphiry, 54 

Port Honda (see Bahia Honda), 153 

Portingal = Portugal, 27 ; King of, 28 

Portugal, xii, xiii, xxxvii, Ixi, Ixxiii, 
33, 48, 94 ; banishment of Jews 
from, 93 ; Cardinal of, 98 ; Earle 
of, 117 ; Inquisition in, Ixiv ; Jews 
in, xlv ; King of, xxv, xxxiv, 49, 95, 
121, 168 (notes) ; King of, receives 
Reubeni, 155 (notes) ; King Em- 
anuel of, 51, 97 ; trade of, xxix 

Portugals, 91, 96 

Portuguese, Ixi, Ixv, 48 ; alliance, 
xxix ; conquer Pernambuco, xxxiii 

Possevimus, cited, 54 

PosteUus, Gulielmus, 53 

Prague, xxxvii ti., 50, 169 (notes) ; 
astrologer of (jtv \'crus), 28 ; Jews 
in, 86 ; Synagogues at, 160 (notes) 

" Prelate of the Commonwealth " (sec 

Presbyterians, xix 

President, Lord, Ixii 

Prester John, 34 

" Pride's Purge," xix 

Prince of the Twelve Tribes, 43 

Privy Council, Ix, Ixxv 

" Problemata de Creatione," 146 

Proclamation by Privy Council, Ix 

Proclus, 54 

Procopius, cited, 32 

" Prolegomena," 114, 136 

Prometheus, 55 

Protector, the, xvii, xxxi, xxxiv, 
XXXV, xxxvi, xli, xlvi, Iv, Ixiv, Ixvi, 
162 (notes) ; death of, Ixxi ; expects 
report on Menasseh's petition, xlv ; 
Menasseh guest of, xxxiii ; petition 
to, from Marranos, Ixii ; receives 
Robles's petition, Ixi 

Protectoi-'s speech, liii ; threat, Ivii 

Provence, 85 


Prussia, Ixxx ; Jews in, 87 

Prynne, xlii «., xliii//., xlix «., li, Ivii, 

Ixiii ; cited, 142, 165 (notes) 
Psuedo-Messiah, Bar Cochba, 157 

(notes) ; Sabbethai Zevi, xi 
Ptolomies, Histories of, 90 
Ptolomy, 127 

Ptolomy, Philadelphus, 124, 130 
Ptolomyes tables, 34 
Puerto, 99 
Puerto de Santa Cruz [sa Bahia 

Honda), 153 (notes) 
Pul, King of Assyria, 29 
Pumbaditha, School of(jr« Seadiah), 

158 (notes) 
Puritans gratified by Menasseh's 

praise, xxvii ; rise of, xviii 

Quakers, the, 167 (notes) 
Queiros, Ferdinades de, 26 
Quity, Province of = Quito, 11,25, 153 

Quivira, 21, 31 

RAGUSA = Aragusa, 164 (notes), 168 

Raphanea, 36, 38 

" Rappel des Juifs," 168 (notes) 

Raguenet, xxxvii 11. 

Readmission of the Jews, xxx, xxxi, 
xxxii, xxxiv, xxxix, xl, xliv, xlvi, lii, 
liv, hx 

Reato, Mordehai, 45 

" Rebus Emanuelis, de," 98 

Recife, xxxvii 

" Reconciler," 29, 42 

Recusancy Acts, Iviii 

Red Sea, 19, 41 

Redemption from Babylon, 42 

Reformation, the, xv, xviii, 160 

"Refutatis libri cui titulus Pncada- 
mitaa," 147 

Reggio, State of, 88 

Religious liberty, xx, xxi, Ixxvi {see 
Cromwell's policy, xxviii) ; pro- 
gress of, xix ; restricted fomi of, 

Rembrandt, Ixix ; friend of Men- 
asseh, 169 (notes) ; painted two 
portraits of l^Ienasseh, 149 (notes) 



"Remnant Found, The," 152 (notes) 

Republican Government, xix, Ixxiv, 
xxvii ; triumph, xxiii 

Resettlement, petition, xxxv ; ques- 
tion, Holmes's treatise on, xxvi 

Restoration, Ixx ; Cromwell's mari- 
time and commercial policy carried 
out after, Ixxiii 

Retio, 85 

Reuben, tribe of, 29 

Reubenita, David, 33 

Reubenite, David the {see Reuben- 
ita) = David Reubeni, 33, 155 

Reuchlin, 72 

" Revelation Revealed, The," 63 

" Revelation Unrevealed, The," 67 

Revolution, xx 

Ribera, Franciscus de, 19 

Ricaut, Ixxiv 

Riccards, Alderman, xlvii 

Riccius, P. Matthasus, 29, 30 

Richardson, Samuel, Ixvi 

"Rights of the Kingdom," 166 

Rios, Amador de los, xiv 

Robles, Don Antonio Rodrigues, Ix, 
Ixi, Ixii, Ixiii ; Robles's petition to 
the Protector, Ixiv ; reinstated, Ixvi 

Rocamora, Vicente de, xiii 

Rodriques, Don Daniel, 88 

Rofe, Selomo, ambassador to Venice, 
86 {see Rophe) 

Roman, 22 ; empire, loi 

" Romance al diuin Martir Juda 
Creyente," poem by Gomez, 158 

Romans, 32, 35, 90, 97 ; Bar Cochba 
rebelled against the, 1 57 (notes) ; 
the kingdom of the, 126 

Rome, xiii, 26, 48, 50, 57, 95, 96, 160 
(notes), 163 (notes) ; a famous 
lawyer of, 93 ; Habyssins at, 34 ; 
Jews in, 87 ; monarch of, 131 ; 
Paul IV. of, 98; people of, 129; 
Pope of, 94 

Rophd, Seiior H. Meyr, 1 57 (notes) 

Rophe, Don Selomo {see Rofe) = 
Rabbi Solomon ben Nathan Asch- 
kenazi, 49, 1 59 (notes) 

Resales, Immanuel Bocarus Frances 

y, a Count Palatin, Ixxx, 89, 163 
Ross, Alexander, xiii, xliii, Ivii, Ixiii, 

165 (notes) 

Rothschild, Baron Lionel de, Ixxvi 

Rous, Francis, xlvii 

Rowe, Owen, xlvii 

Royalists, xl, xli, Ixxi ; letter, lix ; 

spies, Ix ; spies in Holland, xviii ; 

treat with Jews, Ixxiii 
Rudolph, Emperor, 160 (notes) 
Ruffinus, 119 
Rupert's Horse, xiii 
Rutes, the Lords, 49 
Ruthes, 88 
Rycaut, xv n., liii n. 

Sabbath, 37 ; Jewish, 37 
Sabbathion or Sabbathian River, 35, 

37, 38, 40 {see Sabbatical River) 
Sabbatical River, 35-38, 66, 69, 153 

Sabellicus, Marcus Antonius, cited, 

Sadler, John, contemporary of Men- 

asseh ben Israel, xxii, xxvii, xl, 

xliii, Iviii, Ixii, Ixiii n., 166, 167 

Sagredo, xli 

Saladin, King of Egypt, 50 
Salamanca, xiv, 39 
Salamanque, Synagogues of, 86 
Salines, Captain, 25 
Salmanassar, captivity of, 69 ; Sal- 

manaster, 20 ; Salmaneser, 33, 37, 

42 . . 

Salvetti, xli n., lix 

Samaria, 29, 130 

Samaritans, 128 

Sambation, 153 (notes), {see Sabbati- 
cal River) 

Samuel ben Israel, xxxvi 

Samuel, Jacob, 152 (notes); Rabbi, 

166 (notes) 
Sanhedrin, 35, 156 (notes) 
Saracen, 115 

Saragoci, grandson of Ferdinand 

and son of Emanuel, 5 1 
Saragossa, xii 

Saraph baxas, Jews as, in Egypt, 49 
Sarazens, 30 



Sasal, Prince of, 88 
Sasportas, Jacob, xxxvii n. 
Satah, R. Simeon ben, 141 
Satthianadhan, cited, 160 (notes) 
Savoy, Duke of, 51, 84, 97 {see Feli- 

" Scala de Spalatro," 82 
Scaliger, cited, 160 (notes) 
Scandia, Marquis of, 88 
"Scebet Jehuda," 121, 168 (notes) 
Schemtob de Leon, Moses ben, 158 

Schikhardus, cited, 31 
Schmieles, Jacob Basevi, 160 (notes), 

{see Bathsebah) 
Schwab, cited, 154 (notes) 
Scythia, 20, 42 
Seadiah, Rabbi = Saadja ben Joseph 

= Saadja Gaon, 158 (notes) 
Seba, Fernando Jacob ben, 86 
Sebastian, King, 51 
Second Temple, 46, 53 
" Sedar Olam," 35, 156 (notes) 
Seignor of Millo = Joseph Nasino, 86 
Sekes, Governors of, 49 {see Rutes) 
Selencus, 128 
Selim, Sultan, 49, 113, 135 ; peace 

with Venetians, 49 
Selve, George de, 161 (notes) 
Senensis, Sixtus, cited, 125 
Separatists, xviii, xix 
"Sepher Eldad Danita," 34, 156 

"Sermois," 147 
Setuval, 99 

Seven Islands, Lord of the, 49 
Seville, xii 
Sextus v.. Pope, 50 
Shalmaneser, King of Assyria, 29, 32 
Shinar, 40 
"Shir Ha-Shirim Rabba " = " Asirim 

Rabba," 157 (notes) 
Shulamite, 58 
Shunamite, the, 64 
" Sicilian Constitutions," cited, 1 1 5 
" Sifre," 1 58 (notes), {see Johay) 
Silesia, Ixxx 
Silva, Don Francesco Meldonado 

de = Eli Nazarenus, a Marrano 

{see Marquis of Montfort, 158 

(notes), 1 59 (notes) 

Simeon the Just, 128 

Simon, Barbara Anne, 152 (notes) 

Simon, Rabbi, cited, 36 

Simon, Petrus, cited, 23 

Sina, 29, 40, 41 

Sinai, Mount, 114 

Sinear, 40 

Sinim, Land of, 31 {see Sina) 

Singer, Rev. S., cited, 163 (notes) 

Sion, 46, 61, 62 

Sisbuthus, the end of, 5 1 

" Smectymnuus," xlviii 

Smyrna, xv, 151 (notes) 

Sobierre, 169 (notes) 

Soeiro, Semvel ben Israel, 150 (notes) 
{see Samuel Ben Israel) 

" Sohar" = "Zohar" = "Zoar," 158 

Soliman, Sultan, 97 

Solime, Sultan, 86 

Solinus, cited, 33 

Solis, Eliazar de, 117 

Solis, Simao Pires, 117 

Solomon, Isle of = Isabel Island, 
115 (notes) 

Solomon and Hierusalem, 155 

Solon, 98 

Solymon II., 160 (notes) 

Sonsinos, 49, 1 59 (notes) 

Southern Sea, 16 

South Sea, De Quieros enters, 26 

Spain, xi xii, xiii, 51, 54, 84, 90, 154 ; 
banishments of, 46 ; banishment of 
Jews from, 93 ; cruelties to Jews 
in, xlv; Inquisition in, Ixiv; In- 
dians compelled to swear fealty to 
King of, 25 ; Jews in, 83 ; King 
of, Ixi, 28, 49, 91, 93, \l\~-see 
Alfonso, 168 (notes) ; see King 
Alphonso the Wise of, 102 ; King 
of, present at an " act of the faith " 
at Madrid, 117 ; Papistry of, xxix ; 
struggle with Elizabeth, xv ; trade 
of, XXX ; war with, Ix ; when pos- 
sessed by the Moors, 39 

Spaniards, 17, 18; in America, 25 ; 
baptized Indians and then mur- 
dered them, 113; cruelty of, to 
Indians, 11 ; dwelling in the Indies 
affirm that the Indians come of the 
Ten Tribes, according to Menas- 



seh ben Israel, 20 ; find sepulchres, 
21 ; first come to America, 16 ; 
found by accident, who had re- 
mained hidden eight hundred 
years, 39; in India, 13 

Spanish, cruelties, 51 ; Inquisition, 
47 ; nationality, Ixiv 

Spence, liii n. 

Spencer or Spenser, Sir Edward, 
xxvii, xxviii, 151 (notes), i5i 

" Spes Israelis," xxii, 68, 146 

Spinoza, xxxvi 

Spizelli, Theophili, 152 (notes) 

States General, xvii, 144. 

Steele, William, xlvii, xlix 

Steinschneider, cited, 162 (notes) 

Sterry, Peter, 1 

Strabo, cited, 55 

Straus, Oscar, xix n. 

Strickland, xxxi, xlvii 

Stuarts, Ixviii ; enemies of the, Ixx 

Sueton, cited, 55 

Sura, schools of {see Seadiah), 158 

Surinam, xxxvii 

Sweden, Jews in, xlv ; Queen of, 

Sydenham, William, xlvii 

Syria, 35, 40, 130 

Syrian tyrants, 62 

Sythia, 41 

Tabaiares, 25, 26 

Tabis, 20 

Tabne, 125 

Tabor, a province of Tartary, 33 

Tacitus, cited, 55 

Talmud, cited, no, 125, 127; cited, 
133; cited, 136; cited, 140, 157 
(notes) ; Babylonian, cited, 36, 43 ; 
Jerusalem, 35 ; Rabbins in the, 

Talmudists, 75, 92 
Taradanta, governors of, 49 {see 

" Targum " — see Onkelos, 1 35 (notes) ; 

Uziel, 155 (notes) 
"Targum upon Ruth," cited, 138 
"Targum Yerushalmi," 155 (notes) 
Tarshish, 28 

Tarsis, 19, 44 

Tartarians, 6 

Tartaria the Greater, 20 (j^« Arsareth) 

Tartars, 54 

Tartary, 6, 20, 29, 31, 33, 40, 42, 53, 

Tartas, Isaac Castrensis= Isaac de 

Castro Tartas, burnt at Lisbon, 

47, 1 58 (notes) 
Tartyri, Ixxxi 
Tegris, 39 
Temple, first, 46 ; second, 6, 36, 39, 

46, 53; third, 52 
Ten Tribes, the, xxvi, Ixxviii, 6, 20, 

22, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 38, 40, 

41, 42, 43, 66, 6g, 151 (notes), 152 

(notes), 155 (notes) ; habitations of 

the, 39 ; in Ethiopia, 1 56 (notes) ; 

in Spain, 20 ; Kingdom of the, 44 
Terbinon, Thomas = Thomas (Isaac) 

Trebino de Sobremente, 48, 159 

Terceras, Islands of, 55 
Tertullian, cited, 120 
"The Thorn Tree," 153 (notes) 
"Thesoro de los dinim," 146 
Theta, 153 (notes) 
Thompson, Sheriff, xlvii 
" Thoraces, The," 87 
Thorowgood, Thomas, xxiv, xxv «., 

Ixxviii, 67, 152 (notes), 153 (notes); 

treatise of, xxv 
Thraskytes, the race of, 66 
Thurloe, xxxi, xxxii, xxxix «., xl, xli n., 

li, liv «., Ix «., Ixi, Ixxxviii 
Thurloe's advice to Menasseh, xxxviii 
Tiahuanacu, a province of Collai, 21 
Tiberiades, Governor of {see Jacob 

Jaes), 86 
Tiberius, 55 
Tibur, 33 

Tiglath-Pileser, 29 
" Tiguanac, Antiquity of," 22 
Timasus, Plato's, 54 
Titus, Emperor, 36, 126 
Tobit, Book of, 35 
Toledo, xii, 117 
Toledo, Lady Leonora de, daughter 

of D. Peter de Toledo, 49 
Toledo, D. Peter de. Viceroy of 

Naples, 49 
89) M 


Toleration movement, xxii ; Owen's 

scheme of, xxix ; religious, xxxi 
Tornunfus, 36 = Turnus Rufus, 157 

Torquemada, xii 
Toscani, Duke of = Duke Cosmus de 

Medicis, 49 
Totonacazenses, 22 
Totones of New Spain, 22 
Tours, 160 (notes) 
Tovey, xli 

Trachomites, the, 138 
Trask, 69 

Trent, Council of, Ixxxi 
Treuenburg, von {see Bathsebah) 
Tribes, the Ten {see Ten Tribes) ; 

the Twelve {see Twelve Tribes) ; 

the Two {see Two Tribes) 
Trigantius, Nicholaus, 29 
Triglath Pilesser, 32 
Tuckney, Anthony, xlviii 
Tudela, Benjamin of = Tudelensis, 

38, 156 (notes), 158 (notes) 
Tudelensis {see Tudela) 
Tully, cited, 130 

Tunes = Tunis, 19, 95, 154 (notes) 
Turk, the, 49 ; the Grand, xv ; Jews 

at Court of the Grand, 85 ; king- 
dom of the Great, 86 
Turkish Empire, 162 (notes) ; Jews 

in, 85, 113 
Turks, 57 ; conquered by Emperor 

Charles V., 95 
Turkey, 100 ; Jewish families play 

important part in, 1 59 (notes) 
Tuscany, Grand Duke of, lix, 87 
Twelve Tribes, the, of Israel, 153 

(notes), {see "Thorn Tree); Prince 

of the, 43 
Two Tribes, the, 52, 53, 70, 85 
Tyberias, Governor of {see Jacob 

Aben Jaes), 49 
Tyril, Ixxi 

Upper India, 38 

"Ur of the Chaldees," 153 (notes) 

Usque, Samuel {see Vasquo), 163 

Utre, Philip d', 23, 24 
Uziel, Rabbi Jonathan ben, author 

of "Targum," ig, 36, 155 (notes) 


Valladolid, 47 

Valle, Marquis del, 17 

Vanega, 18 

Vasquo = Usque, 163 (notes); cited, 

Vega, Don Diego Vaca de la, 25 
Vega, Garcillasso de la, 19 ; cited, 54 
Venetian Senate, 160 (notes) 
Venetians make peace with Selim, 49 
Venezuela, 23 
Venice, 86, 87, 160 (notes) ; Republic 

of, 49 ; Senate of, 88, 97 
Veray, the Lord Lope de {see 

Alacron), 158 (notes) 
Verga, Solomon Aben, 167 (notes) 
Verona, Jews in, 87 ; Mounts of 

Piety at, loi 
Verus, Jacobus, astrologer of Prague, 

Vespacius, 17 
Vespasian, 126 

Vicarius, Joannes Castilianus, 24 
Vicenza, Mounts of Piety at, 10 1 
Vienna, iij ; Jews in, 86 
Villefleur, 28 
Villepende, Marquis de = Lord 

Joseph de Fano, 87 
Viles, the, 87 
Vinaque, River, 22 
" Vindicise Judaeorum," xvi, Ixiii, 

Ixiv, Ixxvii, 105 ; cited, 164 
Violet, Thomas, xlii «., Ixvii «., Ixxi, 

Viterbo, Cardinal Egidio di, pupil of 

Elias Grammaticus, 160 (notes) 
Voga, Garcillassos de la ; cited, 21 
Vorstius, 169 (notes) 
Vossius, the family of, 169 (notes) 
Vsquoquibs, the, 88 

Wales, Judaical sects in, xxii 
Wall, Moses, xxvii, 151 (notes), 

154 (notes), 161 (notes) 
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 165 (notes) 
War of Gog and Magog, 43, 52 
Webb, Ixxv n. 
West Indian Company, xxx 
West Indians, 27 
West Indies, xxxvi, 11, 19, 21, 29; 

first Colonies of, 18 ; inhabitants 

of, 6 



Westminster Assembly, xlviii 

Whitchcote, xlviii 

Whitehall, xvii, xliv, xlvi, xlvii ; 

meeting of Council of Mechanics 

at, xix 
Whitehall Assembly, xvii, Ivii, 144 
Whitehall Conference, xix, xlviii, 1 «., 

li, hi, liii, Iviii, lix, Ixvi, Ixxxiv, 

149 (notes); adjourned, xlix; 

meeting between Nye and Prynne 

at, 167 (notes) 
Whitelock, xxi n., xli 
Wicofortius, Jaochimus, 31 
Wiener, cited, 168 (notes) 
Wilkes, Anna, 153 (notes) 
Wilkinson, Henry, xlviii 
Williams, Roger, xix, xxii, xl 
Wilna, 151 (notes) 
Wolf, Lucien, cited, xii «., xv «., 

xix n., xxxiii, xxxviii, Ixxv, Ixxvi, 

157 (notes), 160 (notes) 
Wolseley, Sir Charles, xlvi, xlvii 
Wood, C. M., cited, 155 (notes) 

Xarites, 91 
Xenophon, cited, 55 

Xylus, 154 (notes) 

Yad Hachazaka=Iad a Razaka, 

167 (notes) 
York, Marrano settlements in, xiv 

Zacculo, Abraham = Zaccuto, 45, 

158 (notes) 
Zaduces, 125 
Zarate, cited, 54 
Zealand, 27 
Zebulon, tribe of, 32 
Zeeland, Ixix 
"Zemach David," 163 (notes), 169 

Zeno, Emperor, 31 
Zevi, Sabbethai = Pseudo-Messiah, 


Zidan, Mulai or Mulet=King of 

Maracco, 49, 127 
Zion, 60, 114, 145 
" Zoar " = " Zohar " = " Sohar," 45, 93, 

158 (notes), (see Johay), 163 (notes) 
Zuniga, Alonzo di Ercilla y {see 

Erzilla), 155 (notes) 
Zunz, cited, 155 (notes), 157 (notes), 

165 (notes) 


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